Pakistan authorities block distribution of oldest newspaper

Distribution of the English-language daily Dawn, Pakistan’s oldest newspaper, is being disrupted in much of the country since it published an interview with former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) condemns this latest attack on media freedom.

The interview, which reportedly displeased the Pakistani military, appeared in the 12 May (Saturday) issue and the blocking began on 15 May. According to RSF’s information, distribution is being disrupted in most of Baluchistan province, in many cities in Sindh province and in all military cantonments.

The Press Council of Pakistan has notified Dawn’s editor that the newspaper breached the ethical code of practice by publishing content that “may bring into contempt Pakistan or its people or tends to undermine its sovereignty or integrity as an independent country.”

“The unwarranted blocking of the distribution of one of the main independent newspapers has yet again shown that the military are determined to maintain their grip on access to news and information in Pakistan,” RSF said.

“It is clear that the military high command does not want to allow a democratic debate in the months preceding a general election. We call on the authorities to stop interfering in the dissemination of independent media and to restore distribution of Dawn throughout Pakistan.”

Last month, the military were said to have given unofficial instructions to cable TV operators to stop carrying the Geo TV network’s channels, including Geo News, in most of the country. One of the reasons was the airtime that the network had dedicated to Sharif, who was removed as prime minister by the supreme court in July 2017 in connection with a corruption case.

Pakistani ethnic rights group stages first rally in Karachi

KARACHI (Reuters) – A Pakistani ethnic Pashtun rights group on Sunday staged its first rally in the southern city of Karachi, the site of a killing in January that sparked the movement and led to nationwide protests and rallies.

The Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM) emerged after the January killing by police of Pashtun youth Naqibullah Mehsud in Karachi.

A crowd of several thousand people gathered for the rally on Sunday in Karachi’s outlying Sohrab Goth suburb.
The PTM has said several thousand such killings have been carried out since Pakistan joined the U.S.-led war on terror and launched major military operations in 2009 and 2014 targeting Pakistani Taliban strongholds in the Pashtun majority Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) areas bordering Afghanistan.

Hundreds of thousands migrated to Karachi after the military operations, where the largest population of Pashtuns in Pakistan lives.

Among the crowd of protesters were families of missing persons, holding pictures of their loved ones who they say were taken by security officials.

The families say they have not received any information since the disappearances, some of them more than a decade ago.

The PTM estimates there are over 5,000 such cases.

“PTM was born out of the incident that happened in Karachi,” Mohsin Dawar, one of the group’s founders, told Reuters.

“The trauma and pain the Pashtuns of the FATA have experienced, the Pashtuns of Karachi have gone through a similar experience,” he said.

Officials from Pakistan’s paramilitary Rangers, which are part of the security forces, did not respond to request for comment.

The PTM leader Manzoor Pashteen’s popularity has surged amongst Pashtun youth. Some of the protesters wore the red and black patterned hat, which has become Pashteen’s trademark, as they waited for him to arrive at the rally.

But Pashteen did not board his flight from Islamabad to Karachi on Saturday morning and a representatives of local airline Serene Air said his booking had been canceled, Dawar said.

A Serene Air representative was not immediately available for comment.

Dawar said Pashteen and three other PTM leaders had started on the more than 20-hour drive from Islamabad to Karachi but they were stopped several times along the way.

“He has been stopped and detained for hours several times,” Dawar said.

Speakers at the rally said they would not leave until Pashteen arrived.

“We demand that security officials themselves bring Manzoor Pashteen here before our rally ends,” PTM member Sana Ejaz said.

After sunset, the protesters held up cellphone flashlights, refusing to move until Pashteen turned up.
Writing by Saad Sayeed. Editing by Jane Merriman

History of Left: `Suraj Pey Comand’ Book Launched

Karachi, March 17: The first volume of the story of the National Students Federation, its cadre and incidents reflecting the left wing history of Pakistan, `Suraj pay Comand,’ was launched at the Arts Council on Saturday.

An overflow crowd came to the launch to hear about the stalwarts of the left movement who dominated four decades ago. Their snapshots have been compiled in this book in Urdu by London based ex NSF activist, Hasan Jawed (a psychiatrist by profession) and Mohsin Zulfikar.

Younger members of NSF were also in attendance to hear about the book, which takes an up close and personal look at the lives of left wing leaders. This includes subsequent reflections of the role they played for the rights of the oppressed people of Pakistan.

The event was presided over by Dr Haroon Ahmed and addressed by Ali Yavar, Lateef Chaudhry, Dr Tipu Sultan, Dr Riaz Ahmed Shaikh, Anees Baqir and Masroor Ahsan.

Former NSF president, Latif Chaudhry analyzed the issues raised in the book, namely how pro Maoist and pro Leninist ideologies led to internal fissures within the movement. In his words, the absence of tolerance for dissenting views ultimately caused the left to split.

The Dean Faculty of Education and Social Sciences in ZABIST, Dr Riaz Ahmed Shaikh said that despite the fissures, even Western writers had acknowledged the role played by the Pakistani left in dislodging dictatorships.

Anees Baqir spoke about the importance of forming a left wing political party in 2018 that could counter the `fickle and corrupt’ mainstream political parties.

Hasan Jawed introduced the author of Aboard the Democracy Train, as having an early association with NSF and then subsequently her work as a journalist, linked with former PPP prime minister Benazir Bhutto.

The updated edition of the book, Pakistan Tracks the Threat Within was sold out on the occasion.

This revised edition can now be ordered through Liberty books and other leading outlets in the country

Documenting facts

In his latest book, Kaiser Bengali shows that there is systematic and wilful discrimination and apathy towards Balochistan with the express purpose of utilising its resources for benefit of others.

Rebellions and insurgencies do not occur in a vacuum but are reactions against political and economic injustices. A new book A Cry for Justice: Empirical Insights from Balochistan by Kaiser Bengali highlights the injustices perpetrated against Balochistan with help of irrefutable data. He has the advantage of being an advisor to Balochistan and Sindh governments but more than that he has his heart in the right place.

Bengali has summoned several witnesses to present his case. These are ‘crown witnesses’ as these are part of the official data and not a figment of imagination of the oppressed and aggrieved Baloch. The figures, they say, never lie so what he has presented in black and white goes a long way in reaffirming the justified resistance of Baloch people to their political and consequent economic repression, oppression and exploitation.

The evidence presented by Kaiser Bengali shows that there is systematic and wilful discrimination and apathy towards Balochistan with the express purpose of utilizing its resources for benefit of others.

The witness ‘Gas’ is most eloquent in exposing those injustices. Even though gas was discovered in Balochistan in 1952, “not a whiff of gas was supplied to Balochistan for nearly three decades till 1982”. This despite the fact that it was the sole provider of gas for two decades. Balochistan’s share of consumption was just 2 per cent but rose to 7 per cent with the 900 MW gas-fired power plant at Uch in Dera Murad Jamali. Though, according to Quesco’s figures, Balochistan provides 2,280 MW to the national grid, its share is only 700-800 MW.

The excise duty on gas which is transferred to provinces is also flawed and eaten away by inflation. The charts tell the entire story and indict the perpetrators of injustices in Balochistan. If money is any indicator of injustices, Balochistan has been deprived of Rs. 7.69 trillion just for gas which benefited other provinces at the cost of Balochistan.

The second witness that comes forward is ‘Chronic Development Deficit’. Bengali writes that in the first two decades Balochistan doesn’t figure meaningfully in any national economic plan or budget documents and the neglect continues. Today, the province is not only lagging behind other provinces; it is falling further behind. One of the tables shows GRP average growth rate of provinces from 2000- 2011 and naturally Balochistan with 2.8 growth is not only bottom but mostly half of all others’ growth rate. In another table, ranking of Districts by Development Rankings-1996: Bottom one third districts Balochistan beats all hands down.

The Public Sector Development Program (PSDP) for Balochistan is 0.15 per cent if Gwadar is excluded. Of the total allocations 78 per cent for federal PSDP for Physical Planning and Housing/ Housing and Works from 1990-2016 were for security agencies and federal civil administration offices and housing and 11 years of these 100 per cent was exclusively for them. The roads in general present a pathetic picture as their photographs on every other page amply illustrate. Depriving people of benefits and yet expecting praise and thankfulness is insanity.

Then he dwells on ‘Deficit in Social Protection’ and we see the story is not different. The Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) was established in 2008 to assist economically stressed families. In 2014-15, a total of 5.046 families received Rs88.491 billion; of this only 188,949 families in Balochistan received Rs3.290 billion a meagre 3.7 per cent. Both Punjab and Sindh’s share was 36.5 and 34.0 per cent respectively. This cannot be explained away just by the smaller population it has; the system doesn’t quite take into consideration the factors which compound poverty in Balochistan. State provided social protection too is warped and hardly helps.

Next on the stand is ‘Services Imbalances’. There are detailed charts and also constitutional provisions that show how Balochistan is put at a disadvantage wilfully and consequently it has no say in its own or Pakistan’s affairs. Denying people authority is the best way of disempowering them. Balochistan gets a lot of officials from other provinces but few from Balochistan get posted here.

A digression here; the plea for imbalance that there aren’t highly educated people in Balochistan is flawed as nothing has been done to provide sound education to the people. All ‘education emergencies’ announced with fanfare are charades in fact. The Higher Education Commission (HEC) too neglects Balochistan; a 2013 report stated that from 2002-03 to 2012-13, it allocated 737 projects worth Rs157, 102 million. Out of these 737 projects, merely 48 projects worth Rs9, 433 million were assigned to Balochistan’s seven universities. Comparatively, the two top beneficiaries of the HEC largesse the National University of Science and Technology and Comsat Institute of Information Technology were granted Rs1,5205m (22 projects) and Rs7,373m (28 projects) respectively which incidentally was Rs13,145 million more than the total allotted to Balochistan.

The last one brought to attention is ‘Representational Imbalances’ and this too shows that Balochistan’s representation is inadequate because of the lesser number of members in the National Assembly and Balochistan Assembly compounded by the large constituencies which are 13 and 9 times, respectively, larger than the average of other three provinces combined. More seats need to be allocated and constituencies made smaller.

However, I do not see much hope in this as those routinely elected are more interested in perks than in serving people.

The evidence presented by Kaiser Bengali shows that there is systematic and wilful discrimination and apathy towards Balochistan with the express purpose of utilizing its resources for benefit of others. It is the seven decades of injustices, both political and economic that have led to insurgencies, and these will only strengthen and deepen because of the absolute absence of hope or that the sane recommendations of this book will be heeded.

There is a Cherokee proverb, “Pay attention to whispers, so we won’t have to listen to screams”. Those who refuse to hear the screams cannot be expected to pay attention to whispers. The irrefutable evidence presented passes the verdict of ‘guilty as charged’ against the state and its establishment for its injustices in Balochistan.

Body of MQM leader Dr Hasan Arif found in a car in Karachi

Professor Dr Hasan Zafar Arif, MQM-London’s deputy convener, was found dead in a car in Karachi’s Ilyas Goth area on Sunday, police said.

“The body of Hassan Zafar Arif, son of Maqbool Hassan, 70-72-years-old, was found from car number ANC-016, Lancer silver at Ilyas Goth,” station house officer at Ibrahim Hyderi police station confirmed.

“The body was shifted to Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre (JPMC),” he added.

The SHO said that the cause of death will be ascertained after an autopsy is carried out. “Further investigations are ongoing,” he said.

At JPMC, Dr Seemi Jamali said that no signs of torture or bullet wounds were found on the body.

She added that further details will come forward once the autopsy is complete. The body has been shifted to the mortuary to ascertain exact cause of death.

Senior Superintendent Police Malir Rao Anwar also said that no marks of torture were found on Dr Arif’s body.

Dr Arif was a former associate professor at the Philosophy Department in University of Karachi.

According to MQM legal adviser Advocate Abdul Majeed, Dr Arif was with him on Saturday evening but left earlier than usual as his daughter was leaving for London. Majeed said he received a call from Arif’s wife in the morning, saying he had not returned home. He was a resident of DHA Phase-VI.

He demanded that a proper inquiry be carried out into the death as the location where the car was found was not on Dr Arif’s route. “On Saturday evening, he drove the car himself from his office at Fareed Chambers to his residence in DHA. But his body was found in the rear seat of the car,” he added.

In October 2016, Dr Arif was taken into Ranger’s custody from outside the Karachi Press Club, where he was due to address a press conference along with other leaders of MQM-London.

He had been booked for allegedly facilitating and listening to a controversial speech of MQM founder Altaf Hussain in which he reportedly tried to outrage religious feelings, criticised the military establishment and asked his workers to extort money from the traders.

In April 2017, he was released from Central Jail Karachi after an Anti-Terrorism Court (ATC) issued his release order.
Dr Arif was an associate professor at the University of Karachi and a former fellow at Harvard University.

Pakistani journalist Taha Siddiqui escapes kidnapping attempt

New York, January 10, 2018—The Committee to Protect Journalists urges Pakistani authorities to investigate today’s attempted abduction of journalist Taha Siddiqui, and prosecute the perpetrators.

Siddiqui, the Pakistani bureau chief for the New Delhi-based television channel World Is One News, was in Islamabad on his way to the airport when 10 to 12 men stopped his car on the highway, beat him, and threatened him. The group of men then attempted to abduct the journalist, according to Siddiqui, who spoke at a press conference, and gave interviews to news outlets.

A Pakistani national, Siddiqui has been a vocal critic of Pakistan’s military, and several months ago complained of being harassed by the country’s security service, Reuters reported.

“This brazen attempt to abduct journalist Taha Siddiqui on a busy highway in broad daylight suggests the perpetrators have no fear of facing any consequences,” said Steven Butler, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator. “Pakistani authorities must end these lawless attacks against journalists and freedom of expression.”

Speaking at a press conference at the National Press Club in Islamabad today, Siddiqui said he was traveling to the airport in a taxi at around 8 a.m. when a car overtook his taxi, forcing it to stop.

Four men in plains clothes got out of the car, carrying rifles and a pistol. Siddiqui said at first he thought it was a road rage incident. One of the men asked Siddiqui, “What do you think of yourself, do you think you’re somebody?” Siddiqui said he then realized that it was an abduction attempt.

Siddiqui said the men hit and pushed him with their hands and threatened multiple times to shoot him. The journalist said that vehicles were passing during the attack, including a military ranger who saw him and kept moving.
As he was trying to escape from the taxi, Siddiqui said he noticed another car of men had arrived and blocked off the surrounding area.

The journalist said he eventually managed to get out of the car, ran into oncoming traffic, and jumped in a taxi. The journalist then hid in ditches along the Islamabad highway before he made it to a service road.

He then took another taxi to Koral Police Station where he filed a First Information Report (FIR), a police document filed at the start of an investigation in Pakistan, according to Siddiqui.

Mustafa Tanveer, police superintendent, confirmed Siddiqui approached police after the attack, according to Dawn. CPJ was unable to determine if police registered the FIR, which they have to do before conducting an investigation.

Siddiqui said he believed his attackers knew that he was on his way to the airport, and had orchestrated this assault because they knew it would take longer for people to realize he was missing as he was supposed to be in transit.

The journalist said his attackers spoke to him in both Urdu and English and were well-organized. Given past cases of abductions, Siddiqui said he suspected that state authorities were behind the attempt, but did not have proof and asked police to investigate.

Siddiqui left his passport, luggage, and phone in the taxi when he escaped, and none of them have been recovered, according to the journalist.

The spokesperson for Pakistan’s intelligence service did not respond to a request for comment about the attack on Siddiqui from the Associated Press.

CPJ was unable to reach Islamabad’s Koral police precinct, where Siddiqui said he filed the FIR, for comment.

“I’m still in shock, I don’t know how I escaped,” Siddiqui said during the press conference. “I think the idea is to silence me…When they were trying to take me away I would rather have wanted them to shoot me because I don’t want to be a missing person…so that people can see what they do when you stand up for a cause here, for freedom of speech here.”

In May 2017, CPJ called on Pakistan’s Federal Investigation Agency to stop harassing Siddiqui, after he received a summons for questioning at its counter-terrorism department. The summons arrived despite a decision by the Islamabad High Court restraining the agency from harassing Siddiqui.

Benazir Bhutto assassination: How Pakistan covered up killing

Benazir Bhutto was the first woman to lead a Muslim country. The decade since an assassin killed her has revealed more about how Pakistan works than it has about who actually ordered her death.

Bhutto was murdered on 27 December 2007 by a 15-year-old suicide bomber called Bilal. She had just finished an election rally in Rawalpindi when he approached her convoy, shot at her and blew himself up. Bilal had been asked to carry out the attack by the Pakistani Taliban.

Benazir Bhutto was the daughter of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan’s first democratically elected prime minister. His political career was also brought to a premature end when he was hanged by the military regime of General Zia-ul Haq. Benazir went on to become prime minister twice in the 1990s, but she was always distrusted by the military, which used corruption allegations to remove her from power.

At the time of her death she was making a bid for a third term as prime minister. The assassination caused widespread civil unrest in Pakistan. Bhutto’s supporters took to the streets, putting up road blocks, lighting fires and chanting anti-Pakistan slogans.

The general and the ‘threatening’ phone call
A decade later, the general in charge of Pakistan at the time has suggested people in the establishment could have been involved in her murder.

Asked whether rogue elements within the establishment could have been in touch with the Taliban about the killing, General Pervez Musharraf replied: “Possibility. Yes indeed. Because the society is polarised on religious lines.”

And, he said, those elements could have had a bearing on her death.

It’s a startling statement from a former Pakistani head of state. Normally military leaders in Pakistan deny any suggestion of state complicity in violent jihadist attacks.

Pervez Musharraf denies threatening Bhutto in a phone call
Asked whether he had any specific information about rogue elements in the state being involved in the assassination, he said: “I don’t have any facts available. But my assessment is very accurate I think… A lady who is in known to be inclined towards the West is seen suspiciously by those elements.”

Musharraf has himself been charged with murder, criminal conspiracy for murder and facilitation for murder in relation to the Bhutto case. Prosecutors say that he phoned Benazir Bhutto in Washington on 25 September, three weeks before she ended eight years in self-imposed exile.

Long-serving Bhutto aide Mark Seighal and journalist Ron Suskind both say they were with Bhutto when the call came in. According to Seighal, immediately after the call Bhutto said: “He threatened me. He told me not to come back. He warned me not to come back.

Musharraf said he would not be responsible for what would happen to Bhutto if she returned, Seighal told the BBC. “And he said that her safety, her security was a function of her relationship with him.”

Musharraf strongly denies making the call and dismisses the idea that he would have ordered her murder. “Honestly I laugh at it,” he recently told the BBC. “Why would I kill her?”

The deadly plot
The legal proceedings against Musharraf have stalled because he is in self-imposed exile in Dubai. Benazir Bhutto’s son and political heir, Bilawal, has rejected his denials out of hand.

“Musharraf exploited this entire situation to assassinate my mother,” he said. “He purposely sabotaged her security so that she would be assassinated and taken off the scene.”

The shot at Bhutto was followed by a bomb blast, which killed her.

While Musharraf’s case is on hold, others have been acquitted of the crime. Within weeks of the assassination, five suspects had confessed to helping the 15-year-old Bilal assassinate Bhutto at the behest of the Pakistani Taliban and al-Qaeda.

The first person to be arrested, Aitzaz Shah, had been told by the Pakistan Taliban that he would be the suicide bomber chosen to kill Bhutto. Much to his annoyance he was kept in reserve in case the attempt failed.

Two others, Rasheed Ahmed and Sher Zaman, confessed they were mid-ranking organisers of the conspiracy and two Rawalpindi-based cousins, Hasnain Gul and Rafaqat Hussain, told the authorities that they provided accommodation to Bilal the night before the killing.

Even though these confessions were subsequently withdrawn, phone records showing the suspects’ locations and communications in the hours before Bhutto’s murder seem to corroborate them. Hasnain Gul also led the police to some physical evidence in his apartment.

DNA from Bilal’s body parts gathered after his attack and tested in a US lab matched the DNA on some training shoes, cap and a shawl Bilal had left behind in Hasnain’s residence when he put on his suicide vest.

Five alleged plotters were acquitted earlier this year but remain in detention

Just a few months ago prosecutors were confident these alleged plotters would be convicted. But in September the case collapsed, with the judge declaring that procedural errors in the way the evidence was gathered and presented to the court meant he had to acquit them.

A dominant figure in Pakistani politics, Ms Bhutto served twice as the country’s prime minister, from 1988 to 1990 and from 1993 to 1996.

Young and glamorous, she successfully portrayed herself as a refreshing contrast to the male-dominated political establishment.

But after her second fall from power, she became associated in the eyes of some with corruption and bad governance.

Ms Bhutto left Pakistan in 1999, but returned in October 2007 after then-President Musharraf granted her and others an amnesty from corruption charges.

She was set to take part in an election called by Mr Musharraf for January 2008.

But her homecoming procession in Karachi was bombed by suspected militants. She survived the attack, which killed well over 150 people, but would be assassinated two months later.

The husband who became president
In Pakistan it is commonplace to hear people accuse Benazir Bhutto’s widower Asif Zardari of having organised the assassination. The claim is normally based on the observation that since he became president after her death he was the one who benefited most.

The conspiracy theorists, however, have not produced a single shred of evidence to indicate that Asif Zardari was in any way involved in his wife’s death. He has denied the allegation in the strongest possible terms. Those who make the allegation, he said, should “shut up”.

Asif Zardari faces another accusation: that despite having the powers of the presidency, he failed to properly investigate his wife’s murder.

Secret official documents relating to the investigation and obtained by the BBC show that the police inquiries were so poorly managed as to suggest they never wanted to find guilty parties beyond the low-level plotters they had already arrested.

The inadequacies of the police investigations were especially apparent after an unsuccessful attempt on Bhutto’s life on 18 October 2007 – two and a half months before she was killed.

Two suicide bombers attacked her convoy and killed more than 150 people. It remains one of the deadliest attacks ever mounted by violent jihadists in Pakistan.

The police work was so half-hearted that the bombers were never even identified.

The leader of the inquiry, Saud Mirza, has said that one man he established to have been a bomber had distinctive features, suggesting he came from a long-standing but small Karachi-based community of people of African descent.

This potentially significant clue about the suspected bombers identity was never released to the public.

Former President Zardari answers criticisms about the thoroughness of the police work by pointing out that he encouraged the work of Scotland Yard in relation to the murder and secured the appointment of a UN commission of inquiry to examine the circumstances of her death.

That inquiry, however, says it was repeatedly and blatantly blocked not only by the military but also Zardari’s ministers.

“There were many people in the establishment that we wanted to interview but they refused,” said Heraldo Munoz, the head of the UN commission.

And he said some of the obstacles came from the politicians as well as the military.

As the investigation progressed, he said, the safe house the UN team used was withdrawn, as were the anti-terrorist personnel who were protecting the UN staff.

A trail of dead people…

That there was a cover-up is beyond doubt. A BBC investigation found evidence suggesting that two men who helped the teenage assassin reach Benazir Bhutto were themselves shot at a military checkpoint on 15 January 2008.

A senior member of the Zardari government has told the BBC that he believes this was “an encounter” – the term Pakistanis use for extra-judicial killings.

Nadir and Nasrullah Khan were students at the Taliban-supporting Haqqania madrassa in north-west Pakistan. Other students associated with the seminary who were involved in the plot also died.

One of the most detailed official documents obtained by the BBC is an official PowerPoint presentation given to the Sindh provincial assembly.

It names Abad ur Rehman, a former student at the madrassa and bomb-maker who helped provide the suicide jacket used to kill Benazir Bhutto. He was killed in one of Pakistan’s remote tribal areas on 13 May 2010.

Then there was Abdullah who, according to the Sindh assembly presentation, was involved in the transportation of the suicide vests ahead of the Rawalpindi attack that killed Bhutto.

He was killed in Mohmand Agency in northern Pakistan in an explosion on 31 May 2008.

One of the most high-profile deaths related to the assassination was that of Khalid Shahenshah, one of Bhutto’s security guards. Shahenshah was within a few feet of Bhutto as she made her final speech in Rawalpindi.

Phone footage shows him making a series of strange movements for which no one has offered any reasonable explanation.

Although he kept his head completely still, he raised his eyes towards Bhutto while simultaneously running his fingers across his throat. Pictures of his gestures went viral and on 22 July 2008 Shahenshah was shot dead outside his home in Karachi.

The next victim was the state prosecutor, Chaudhry Zulfikar. A lawyer with reputation for high degrees of both competence and doggedness, he told friends he was making real progress on the Bhutto investigation.

Special prosecutor Chaudhry Zulfiqar Ali was killed in the capital

On 3 May 2013 he was shot dead on the streets of Islamabad as he was being driven to a legal hearing on the case.

… and one who turns out to be alive
Finally, there is a man who was said to be dead but, in fact, is still alive. In their confessions the alleged plotters said that on the day of the murder a second suicide bomber named Ikramullah accompanied Bilal. Once Bilal had succeeded in his task, Ikramullah’s services were not required and he walked away unharmed.

For years Pakistani officials insisted that Ikramullah had been killed in a drone strike. In 2017 chief prosecutor Mohammad Azhar Chaudhry told the BBC evidence gathered by Pakistani investigating agencies, relatives and government officials established that “Ikramullah is dead”.

In August 2017, however, the Pakistani authorities published a 28-page list of the country’s most wanted terrorists.

Coming in at number nine was Ikramullah, a resident of South Waziristan and involved, the list said, in the suicide attack on Benazir Bhutto.

The BBC understands that Ikramullah is now living in eastern Afghanistan where he has become a mid-ranking Pakistan Taliban commander.

So far the only people punished in relation to the murder of Benazir Bhutto are two police officers who ordered the murder scene in Rawalpindi to be hosed down.

Many Pakistanis regard those convictions as unfair, believing that the police would never have used the hoses without being told to do so by military.

It suggests, once again, a cover-up by Pakistan’s deep state – the hidden network of retired and serving military personnel who take it upon themselves to protect what they consider Pakistan’s vital national interests.

From Trauma to Inspiration- Three years later APS survivor ready to change the world

Three years after the Army Public School Peshawar attack that claimed life of 144 students, the world might have moved on but not the families and victims of the massacre.

Labelled as the bloodiest attack in the country’s history, it is hard to imagine the struggle of the victims despite moving three years down the memory.

On the night of 15th December 2014, Ahmad Nawaz and his younger brother Haris Nawaz went to bed together, hardly realizing that it would be the last time both of them are sleeping together in a room.

Haris was reluctant to go to school next day but agreed upon his dad, Mohammad Nawaz’s insistence, an agreement that was to haunt Mohammad for years to come.

Haris kept whining all the way to school about how he could have stayed at home and slept.

Ahmed Nawaz, Mohammad Nawaz’s eldest son, aged fifteen at the time, was in the main auditorium of the school, attending a first-aid training session in which they were being taught about how to deal with a calamity in case one happens. It was 10 am and no one had any idea of what may precede.

Mohammad Nawaz was headed toward his car workshop around 10:30 am when he received a phone call informing him about the attack on the school that his two sons had gone to. Not caring much, he continued to go about his daily business, trying to recover from the death of his close relative.

An hour later, he received another phone call which told him about the rising number of casualties being reported from the attack.

Pakistan marks the third anniversary of militant raid on Army Public School
Two of his sons had gone to school that day. He didn’t want to contemplate the options that the situation was presenting to him but pretty soon he was rushing behind the ambulances that were taking injured and dead people from Army Public School to various hospitals in the city.

When the ambulances stopped at one of the hospitals, he started frantically searching for his missing sons.
His phone rang and this time it was his eldest son, Ahmed Nawaz talking to him in a stable voice and telling him of his whereabouts.

Six hours had passed and still no clue was to be found of his second son, Haris Nawaz whom Mohammad had forcefully sent to school in the morning.

His son who was known for having a heart of gold, who would go out of the way to help others and would get stressed when he would see the plight of Muslims abroad, was nowhere to be found.

Mohammad received another call around 4 pm. This time it was his brother asking him whether his younger son wore a watch to school that day.

Surprised, Nawaz checked with his wife who said he didn’t but younger son, Umar Nawaz informed them that he had taken his black watch and worn it to school that day.

The wrist watch became the source through which Haris Nawaz’s mutilated dead body was recognized by his immediate family.

The wrist watch was still clinging on to his chubby wrist when his family found him, as his face was unrecognizable from being blown up with a Kalashnikov.

Hospitals were echoing with crying and screaming mothers, fathers, and relatives of the children whose dead bodies were being brought in by the ambulances.

Body parts belonging to different bodies were scattered everywhere, heads were squished from being blown up by Kalashnikovs.

On December 16, 2014, it was 10 am in the morning and Ahmad and his school mates were gathered in the auditorium where they were being taught about first-aid training.

The first gun shots were heard from near the main hall in the front. Everybody got confused but the training officers assured the students to not worry and continued with the training.

Few minutes later, the door was knocked open by black turban wearing militants who shouted Allah-o-Akbar and opened fire on the hall full of students aged 13 to 16. The otherwise quiet hall turned into a room echoing with gun fires, screams of children, flying furniture and dead bodies falling to the floor.

Ahmad crouched lowest in his seat and tried to make sense of his surroundings. He assumed the situation was part of the first-aid training but the assumption was short-lived when he saw dead bodies falling and blood pouring all around him. Ahmad hid under his chair along with his other friends but their secret was short-lived as the terrorists discovered their hiding place and shouted to each other, “These scums are hiding under their seats. Kill each one of them.”

Ahmad said his last prayers and got ready to embrace death. A man wearing black turban neared the row of chairs under which Ahmad and his friends were hiding and started shooting at the exposed heads and bodies of the children.

Ahmad’s friend was hiding under the chair beside him. The terrorist approached him and fired shots aimed at his head.

Blood, flesh and gunpowder came flying on Ahmad’s face. Now it was Ahmad’s turn to leave the world but as luck had it, Ahmad’s head was hidden under the chair so he received shots in his left arm as the terrorist hurriedly walked by trying to kill ‘every hiding scum’.

The blood pouring from Ahmad’s hand covered his head in a puddle of blood. As soon as the terrorists left, Ahmad along with a few other injured students, who were alive, got up and tried to hide in the dressing room beside the stage.

Ahmad dropped himself at the door of the dressing room as he couldn’t walk any further. The room was full of children and a teacher who were moaning under the excruciating pain of injuries. Just when they thought that the terrorists would not return, they actually did.

This time they not only fired at the injured students but set the little room on fire too. Ahmad who was lying on the floor near the room stayed very still, making no noise and pretending to be dead. The terrorists stepped on him and walked out of the hall.

Ahmad had survived for the second time and was hoping to get rescued before a third encounter and his prayers got answered as he heard the rescue team approaching and hoisted himself up with the remaining energy in his body and reached Lady Reading Hospital in an ambulance full of dead bodies.

A year later admitted in Queen Elizabeth Hospital in Birmingham, England, Ahmad would wake up at night and tell his parents to close all doors and check the cupboards because ‘black turban wearing men are hiding in it with guns

Ahmad had his first longest surgery to save his arm that lasted for sixteen hours in which the veins of his injured arm were stretched and sewn together to enable it to work normally in future.

Laying on his hospital bed under agonizing pain and trying to come to terms with the loss of a younger brother and pain of an operated arm, Ahmad discovered through Television that about 800 children in UK have left for Syria, Libya, and Iraq to join the militants.

This came as disturbing news to the young lad who would still wake up from dreams shouting and crying and asking ‘the men in black to leave him alone.

It was Ahmad’s moment of realisation as he told his father about how he wishes to spread awareness and tell students in UK about how he has been victim of these militants and how they are not connected to Islam in any way. His dad profusely encouraged him.

Soon afterwards, Ahmad was on his way to physical and psychological recovery with the help of a supporting community at his school, family and friends.

Taking inspiration from his traumatic experience, Ahmad took up the campaign of educating UK students about the terrorist militants who were responsible for taking lives of 144 students in the APS school attack.

With the help of Anne Frank Organization, in September 2015 Ahmad started a campaign on education to reach and aware young students in UK about the curse of militants that is, Taliban.

Ahmad shared his story wherever he went and became a source of inspiration for young school children. Ahmad was called-in by British Prime Minister Theresa May, Speaker of House of Lords Mrs. D’Souza and various other ministers and officials in the House of Commons and House of Lords to encourage and acknowledge his bravery and spirit to make the world a better place.

Three years to the horrific event, Ahmad now stands tall and determined as ever to lead the world toward literacy, peace, and acceptance. He is serving as the youth ambassador of World Merit Organisation, and the Anne Frank Organisation. He has been presented the Award of Bravery and Resilience by Government of Pakistan, and UK and Europe young person of the year award.

Having given speeches as key note speaker at United Nations and attended Estoril conference of the Nobel Prize laureates’ fame, Ahmad is on a mission to make the world a peaceful and safe place for future generations so no other child has to watch their friends and teacher get shot and burned alive to death or wake up at night screaming from nightmares of their murderer’s faces

https://www.thenews.com.pk/latest/256898-from-trauma-to-inspiration-three-years-later-aps-survivor-ready-to-change-the-world

Pakistan Currency Slides in Effective Devaluation: Rupee falls to near four-year low against the dollar

Pakistan’s rupee slumped to a near four-year low against the U.S. dollar Tuesday, the latest move downward in an effective devaluation of the currency that had been kept steady against the greenback for much of the past two years.

The rupee’s slide began Friday and continued after Pakistan’s central bank signaled a drop in its value would help the country’s economic growth. In all, the rupee has fallen 2.7% in the past three trading days, with one U.S. dollar buying 109.25 rupees in recent action, according to Thomson Reuters data.

With the exception of a short-lived plunge in July, the Pakistani rupee had held at around 105 to the dollar since late 2015, with the State Bank of Pakistan regularly intervening to maintain the currency’s value by selling down its foreign-currency reserves to buy rupees, analysts said.

But the policy has proved difficult to sustain as the country’s trade deficit has widened, thanks to a surge in imports. Net foreign-exchange reserves held by the central bank slumped to their lowest level in at least a year at the end of November.

“They have allowed [the rupee] to devalue,” said Umair Naseer, deputy head of research at Topline Securities, a brokerage firm based in Karachi, referring to the central bank.

The Pakistani rupee’s woes stand out in a year in which many emerging market currencies have performed strongly, thanks to robust global growth and relative dollar weakness as the Federal Reserve refrains from sharp interest rate increases. The Korean won has surged nearly 11% this year, while the Indian rupee has gained more than 5% against the dollar.

Until recent days Pakistan’s government has resisted calls to allow the rupee to fall, hoping that a stable currency would increase confidence in the South Asian nation’s economy. A steady exchange rate has also been seen as a way to encourage the thousands of Pakistanis who work abroad to send money home: Pakistan received $19.8 billion in foreign remittances in 2016—equivalent to 6.9% of the country’s GDP—making it the fifth-largest destination of such flows globally, according to the World Bank.

“A stable currency is seen as an electoral winner … so the authorities have been very reluctant to allow it to sell off,” said Charlie Robertson, global chief economist at Renaissance Capital. Pakistan is set to hold national elections in 2018 and has been plagued by political scandals, including one that led to the ouster of the prime minister in July.

But a sharp rise in imports in the fiscal year ended June, driven by increased shipments of petroleum, machinery and transport equipment, and a decline in exports, have led to a widening of Pakistan’s current account deficit. The Pakistani rupee could be overvalued by around 25%, Mr. Robertson estimates.

The International Monetary Fund in June called for Pakistani officials to allow for greater flexibility in the country’s exchange rate. Typically, a weaker currency makes a country’s exports cheaper globally and makes it more expensive for local residents to buy foreign goods, which should help narrow its trade deficit.

“There was a lot of pressure on the government to loosen its grip on the currency,” said Ruchir Desai, senior investment analyst at Asia Frontier Capital Limited in Hong Kong.

IMF officials are currently in Pakistan for discussions with the country’s leaders. Miftah Ismail, special assistant to the prime minister on economic affairs, said the devaluation has “no relation at all with the IMF.”

Pakistan’s political turmoil has sapped investor demand for the country’s stocks, even after they were admitted to MSCI’s popular index of emerging-market shares this year: The benchmark KSE 100 has dropped 20% this year. The country recently tapped the international bond markets, raising $2.5 billion.

The Asian Development Bank expects Pakistan’s GDP to grow by 5.3% in 2017 and 5.5% in 2018, slightly lower than the averages for developing Asian economies in both years.

—Saeed Shah contributed to this article.

Pakistan is making concessions to religious extremists. What’s the cost?

ISLAMABAD — In the past 10 days, two dramatic events — the government’s capitulation to a violent protest by radical Muslims and the release from house arrest of an anti-India militia leader — have crystallized the sway that hard line Muslim groups increasingly hold in Pakistan, a nuclear-armed state whose military leaders claim to be fighting extremist violence.

The freeing of Hafiz Saeed, a Islamist cleric accused of masterminding a deadly rampage in Mumbai nine years ago, came as no surprise. Although denounced as a terrorist by the United Nations and the United States, Saeed enjoys a large following in Pakistan as a fiery champion of Muslim rights in Kashmir, the disputed border region with India. He has been repeatedly detained and released by the courts, a sign of Pakistan’s often-contradictory efforts to secure both domestic Muslim loyalty and international support.

In contrast, the chaotic scenes in late November of angry Muslim demonstrators throwing stones at police near the capital, then rising up across the country to protest a minor change in an electoral law, shocked the nation and raised the specter of mass religious unrest — a permanent worry in an impoverished nation of 207 million, 95 percent of whom are Muslim, most from the same Sunni branch as the protesters.

But the quick resolution of the problem also raised worrisome questions about the long-term capability of the Pakistani government, a fragile democracy whose prime minister was recently ousted, to push back against religious extremism and the risks of bringing in the powerful military to settle civilian disputes.

Saeed was released Nov. 24 after a provincial court found “insufficient evidence” to link him to the four-day Mumbai terror spree in 2008 that killed 164 people. This time, the court action came amid intense pressure from the Trump administration on Pakistan to prove it is not harboring Islamist militias. It also met with especially sharp denunciations from India, an archrival whose Hindu nationalist prime minister has developed a warm relationship with the new administration in Washington.

American officials demanded that Saeed — who was detained in January under U.S. pressure — be arrested again. The U.S. Embassy here expressed “serious concerns” over his release and charged that his now-disbanded militia, Lashkar-e-Taiba, was responsible for the deaths of “hundreds of innocent civilians” in numerous terrorist attacks. Six victims in the Mumbai bombing and shooting attack, which Indian and U.S. officials believe was carried out by Lashkar-e-Taiba commandos, were U.S. citizens.

In Pakistan, though, Saeed remains a force to be reckoned with and a political survivor who has continually reinvented his movement, changing its name and founding a charitable offshoot that helps people in emergencies. In October, after years of denouncing electoral politics, he also formed a political party, and its candidate performed better than expected in a race for parliament. After he was released, he triumphantly returned to his Friday pulpit in Lahore and demanded that his name be removed from the U.N. sanctions list.

While Saeed’s supporters were celebrating his return to the public arena, a tense drama was playing out in the capital between another religious firebrand and government security forces. The confrontation that erupted early on Nov. 25 quickly escalated into a nationwide protest surge and ended 24 hours later in triumph for the protesters and embarrassment for the government, which accepted virtually all of their demands.

In contrast to Saeed, a well-established though controversial leader in Pakistan, the recent protests thrust a little-known, rabble-rousing cleric into the news. Within 48 hours, Khadim Hussain Rizvi had exhorted his supporters to violence, sparked mini-protests across the country, stared down civilian officials, bargained hard with the army — and became a household name.

Unlike Saeed, Rizvi is not associated with armed militant groups. His movement is built around reverence and love for Muhammad as Islam’s final prophet. On Friday night, just one week after the angry protests subsided, Pakistani Muslims everywhere jubilantly celebrated Muhammad’s birthday, thronging streets hung with dazzling lights and gathering around tents where devotees recited chants glorifying him.

But Rizvi’s movement is also harsh and extreme in its views. It has built a cult around a man who assassinated a provincial governor for religious reasons, believes blasphemers should be executed and crusades against Ahmedis, a small religious minority that follows a later prophet. The protests were raised against a change in electoral laws that softened requirements for candidates to avow Muhammad as the final prophet — a move that Rizvi’s group suspected was aimed at increasing the political participation of Ahmedis.

The price of pacifying Rizvi and his followers, many Pakistani leaders and commentators said, may be the emboldening of other fanatical Muslim groups, a further weakening of civilian authority, an increased potential for the military to intervene, and a rise in both sectarian hatred and conflict between rival Sunni schools. Some warn that the foundations of Pakistan’s fragile democracy have been shaken.

“This is a steep descent into a bottomless pit for the state and society,” said Faratullah Babar, a liberal senator. “It is the abject surrender of the constitutional government to a lawless mob” whose leaders seek to gain power through the “facade of religion.”

Others suggest that the episode signifies a growing confluence of interest between hard line religious groups and the military, whose leaders have vowed to stay out of politics but are known to be unhappy with both the ruling party and its top electoral rival, the movement led by cricket legend Imran Khan.

Imtiaz Alam, writing Thursday in The News International newspaper, noted that the state, which once encouraged militant groups like Saeed’s to fight in India and Afghanistan, has now abetted the domestic agenda of a fanatical strain within Pakistan’s large, mainstream Sunni group, the Barelvis. “The law of the jungle is to prevail,” he warned. “The state has left its citizens . . . at the mercy of demons.”

Much of this drama will play out in Punjab province, the country’s most populous and wealthy region, and its capital, Lahore. Punjab is the home base of the ruling Pakistan Muslim League, headed by the former prime minister, Nawaz Sharif. The party has been riven by divisions and disarray since Sharif was ousted by the Supreme Court in July and will be fighting for its political life next year.

The Lahore area is also the headquarters of Saeed’s operations, as well as Rizvi’s smaller Movement in Service to the Messenger of God. The provincial government and courts have long been criticized for coddling Islamic extremists — allowing Saeed to preach freely, radical Islamic students to intimidate university campuses, and hard line sectarian groups to operate. Recently authorities agreed to allow Rizvi’s group to influence school curriculums and blasphemy cases.

But that policy of appeasement may have backfired. Both Saeed and Rizvi fielded candidates in the October race to fill Sharif’s seat in parliament — and both won far more votes than expected. Now, the successful protests have put Rizvi’s group in a position to challenge the Sharifs on their home turf and play a central role in next year’s polls.