Documenting facts

In his latest book, Kaiser Bengali shows that there is systematic and wilful discrimination and apathy towards Balochistan with the express purpose of utilising its resources for benefit of others.

Rebellions and insurgencies do not occur in a vacuum but are reactions against political and economic injustices. A new book A Cry for Justice: Empirical Insights from Balochistan by Kaiser Bengali highlights the injustices perpetrated against Balochistan with help of irrefutable data. He has the advantage of being an advisor to Balochistan and Sindh governments but more than that he has his heart in the right place.

Bengali has summoned several witnesses to present his case. These are ‘crown witnesses’ as these are part of the official data and not a figment of imagination of the oppressed and aggrieved Baloch. The figures, they say, never lie so what he has presented in black and white goes a long way in reaffirming the justified resistance of Baloch people to their political and consequent economic repression, oppression and exploitation.

The evidence presented by Kaiser Bengali shows that there is systematic and wilful discrimination and apathy towards Balochistan with the express purpose of utilizing its resources for benefit of others.

The witness ‘Gas’ is most eloquent in exposing those injustices. Even though gas was discovered in Balochistan in 1952, “not a whiff of gas was supplied to Balochistan for nearly three decades till 1982”. This despite the fact that it was the sole provider of gas for two decades. Balochistan’s share of consumption was just 2 per cent but rose to 7 per cent with the 900 MW gas-fired power plant at Uch in Dera Murad Jamali. Though, according to Quesco’s figures, Balochistan provides 2,280 MW to the national grid, its share is only 700-800 MW.

The excise duty on gas which is transferred to provinces is also flawed and eaten away by inflation. The charts tell the entire story and indict the perpetrators of injustices in Balochistan. If money is any indicator of injustices, Balochistan has been deprived of Rs. 7.69 trillion just for gas which benefited other provinces at the cost of Balochistan.

The second witness that comes forward is ‘Chronic Development Deficit’. Bengali writes that in the first two decades Balochistan doesn’t figure meaningfully in any national economic plan or budget documents and the neglect continues. Today, the province is not only lagging behind other provinces; it is falling further behind. One of the tables shows GRP average growth rate of provinces from 2000- 2011 and naturally Balochistan with 2.8 growth is not only bottom but mostly half of all others’ growth rate. In another table, ranking of Districts by Development Rankings-1996: Bottom one third districts Balochistan beats all hands down.

The Public Sector Development Program (PSDP) for Balochistan is 0.15 per cent if Gwadar is excluded. Of the total allocations 78 per cent for federal PSDP for Physical Planning and Housing/ Housing and Works from 1990-2016 were for security agencies and federal civil administration offices and housing and 11 years of these 100 per cent was exclusively for them. The roads in general present a pathetic picture as their photographs on every other page amply illustrate. Depriving people of benefits and yet expecting praise and thankfulness is insanity.

Then he dwells on ‘Deficit in Social Protection’ and we see the story is not different. The Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) was established in 2008 to assist economically stressed families. In 2014-15, a total of 5.046 families received Rs88.491 billion; of this only 188,949 families in Balochistan received Rs3.290 billion a meagre 3.7 per cent. Both Punjab and Sindh’s share was 36.5 and 34.0 per cent respectively. This cannot be explained away just by the smaller population it has; the system doesn’t quite take into consideration the factors which compound poverty in Balochistan. State provided social protection too is warped and hardly helps.

Next on the stand is ‘Services Imbalances’. There are detailed charts and also constitutional provisions that show how Balochistan is put at a disadvantage wilfully and consequently it has no say in its own or Pakistan’s affairs. Denying people authority is the best way of disempowering them. Balochistan gets a lot of officials from other provinces but few from Balochistan get posted here.

A digression here; the plea for imbalance that there aren’t highly educated people in Balochistan is flawed as nothing has been done to provide sound education to the people. All ‘education emergencies’ announced with fanfare are charades in fact. The Higher Education Commission (HEC) too neglects Balochistan; a 2013 report stated that from 2002-03 to 2012-13, it allocated 737 projects worth Rs157, 102 million. Out of these 737 projects, merely 48 projects worth Rs9, 433 million were assigned to Balochistan’s seven universities. Comparatively, the two top beneficiaries of the HEC largesse the National University of Science and Technology and Comsat Institute of Information Technology were granted Rs1,5205m (22 projects) and Rs7,373m (28 projects) respectively which incidentally was Rs13,145 million more than the total allotted to Balochistan.

The last one brought to attention is ‘Representational Imbalances’ and this too shows that Balochistan’s representation is inadequate because of the lesser number of members in the National Assembly and Balochistan Assembly compounded by the large constituencies which are 13 and 9 times, respectively, larger than the average of other three provinces combined. More seats need to be allocated and constituencies made smaller.

However, I do not see much hope in this as those routinely elected are more interested in perks than in serving people.

The evidence presented by Kaiser Bengali shows that there is systematic and wilful discrimination and apathy towards Balochistan with the express purpose of utilizing its resources for benefit of others. It is the seven decades of injustices, both political and economic that have led to insurgencies, and these will only strengthen and deepen because of the absolute absence of hope or that the sane recommendations of this book will be heeded.

There is a Cherokee proverb, “Pay attention to whispers, so we won’t have to listen to screams”. Those who refuse to hear the screams cannot be expected to pay attention to whispers. The irrefutable evidence presented passes the verdict of ‘guilty as charged’ against the state and its establishment for its injustices in Balochistan.

COMMENT: Trump’s India connect

There are few countries where the U.S. President’s business interests are so strong, and relations with the U.S. so robust.

Donald Trump Jr. is in India for an extraordinary visit, to play the role of both businessman and diplomat. While mainly helping sell properties tied to the Trump Organization, where he serves as executive vice president, Mr. Trump Jr. is also delivering a policy address on “Reshaping Indo-Pacific ties”.

It’s hard to imagine this type of trip taking place in other countries. U.S. President Donald Trump and some of his progeny are personae non grata in many nations, including top allies such as the U.K. Aside from the issue of unpopularity is one of ethics. Many countries would be reluctant to host the U.S. President’s son for a visit that includes the opportunity for buyers of Trump-branded apartments to pay to meet with Mr. Trump Jr. The fact that India rolled out the red carpet for Mr. Trump Jr. amplifies the uniqueness of U.S.-India relations at this moment in time: There are few, if any, countries in the world where President Trump’s business interests are so strong, and relations with the U.S. so robust.

Business opportunities
Take the commercial side first. The Trump Organization features business dealings in more than two dozen countries, from Trump-branded condos in Seoul to a golf course in Ireland. And yet a Washington Post investigation has concluded that “the Trump Organization has more business entities in India than in any other foreign country.” The study, released in November 2016, contended that Mr. Trump is “involved in at least 16 partnerships or corporations” in India. Mr. Trump Jr. has himself said that India constitutes the largest market outside the U.S. for the type of real estate deals pursued by the Trump Organization.

It’s not just Mr. Trump and his family who value business opportunities in India; members of his cabinet do too. In 2006, Wilbur Ross, who is now Commerce Secretary, established a $300 million fund focussed on India and bought the textile company OMC India Ltd. In 2008, he bought $80 million in convertible bonds issued by the airline SpiceJet. (He subsequently sold it.) Goldman Sachs, the previous employer of Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, boasts a significant presence in India and has provided support to the Indian renewable energy firm ReNew.

Now consider the diplomatic side. Since Mr. Trump took office, Washington’s relationships with traditional foes such as North Korea have worsened, while those that had enjoyed recent periods of relative détente (Pakistan, Iran) have regressed. Most strikingly, relations with some top allies (the U.K., Germany, and Australia) have taken tumbles.

Strengthening ties
By contrast, the U.S.-India relationship has continued to flourish under Mr. Trump. It’s easy to understand why. The two core strategic concerns that have long brought the two together — China’s growing influence and international terrorism — resonate strongly with the Trump administration. Also, arms sales and technology transfers — two main engines of the defence partnership that powers U.S.-India relations — are welcomed by a Trump administration that is unabashedly transactional in its foreign relations. Furthermore, President Trump and Prime Minister Narendra Modi share much in common, from their conservative politics to their fractious relationships with the mass media and strong embraces of social media.

To be sure, there are bones of contention, from the Trump administration’s immigration policies that could deleteriously affect Indian workers in America to Washington’s refusal to pull the plug on its problematic partnership with Pakistan. The two sides also fail to agree on what should constitute their strategic partnership. Washington wants New Delhi to participate in joint operations and other types of alliance behaviour to which India remains allergic. Yet, deep repositories of goodwill and sharp convergences of interests enable the U.S.-India relationship to weather these policy disconnects.

Essentially, Mr. Trump’s expansive business interests in India coupled with rock-solid bilateral relations help explain why New Delhi has pulled out all the stops for Mr. Trump Jr.’s tendentious trip. Could the First Son take his salesman-in-chief/senior diplomat double act elsewhere overseas? Only two possible destinations come to mind: Israel and Saudi Arabia. If he does venture to those locales, however, his achievements this week would be a hard act to follow. Mr. Trump Jr.’s visit to India coincided with that of Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. The son of the most controversial U.S. President in modern history has not only stolen the spotlight from one of the world’s most beloved and photogenic leaders, he has also enjoyed much warmer treatment.
Michael Kugelman is the deputy director of the Asia Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars in Washington, DC

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/trumps-india-connect/article22818013.ece

Pakistan given three-month reprieve over terrorist financing watchlist: minister

ISLAMABAD (Reuters) – Pakistan has been given a three-month reprieve by a global watchdog over a U.S.-led motion to put the South Asian country on a terrorist financing watchlist, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Khawaja Asif said late on Tuesday.

Pakistan has been scrambling in recent months to avoid being added to a list of countries deemed non-compliant with anti-money laundering and terrorist financing regulations by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), a measure that officials fear could hurt its economy.

FATF member states have been meeting this week in Paris, where it was expected that they would decide on a U.S. motion, backed by Britain, France and Germany, to have Pakistan added to the so-called ‘grey list’ of countries which are not doing enough to comply with terrorist-funding regulations.

Asif, who is currently on a visit to Russia, tweeted late on Tuesday that Pakistan’s “efforts have paid (off)” during a Feb. 20 meeting on the U.S.-led motion, suggesting there was “no consensus for nominating Pakistan”.

He also suggested the meeting proposed a “three months pause” and asked for the Asia Pacific Group, which is part of FATF, to consider “another report in June”.

Pakistan earlier this year submitted a report about the progress it had made in curbing terrorist financing, but Washington submitted its motion before the Pakistan report could be discussed at the Paris hearing.

“Grateful to friends who helped,” Asif added.

Two other Pakistani officials confirmed Pakistan had received a reprieve of three months.

Washington has been threatening to get tough with Islamabad over its alleged ties with Islamist militants, and last month President Donald Trump’s administration suspended aid worth about $2 billion.

Islamabad, which denies assisting militants in Afghanistan and India, has reacted angrily to U.S. threats of further punitive measures.

However, Pakistan’s government is concerned the FATF decision could hurt its banking sector, causing real financial pain to the economy just as a national election looms.

Writing by Drazen Jorgic; Editing by Gareth Jones

`Council of Progressive Pakistanis’ Created in United States

A Council of Progressive Pakistanis has been created in the US, with the objective of contributing to building a progressive and liberal Pakistan.

A meeting of CPP affiliates was held in the greater metropolitan Washington area, Feb 10, 2018, where organizers espoused their vision of building a Pakistan, that would be in keeping with the speech delivered by its founder, Mohammed Ali Jinnah in 1947 before the nation’s constituent assembly.

In his speech Jinnah had said, `You may belong to any religion or caste or creed; that has nothing to do with the business of the State. You will find that in course of time Hindus will cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State.’

The participants, who included the future council members of the CPP discussed the need to work toward tolerance between religious and ethnic communities, including the removal of laws that discriminate on the basis of religion.

In this regard, they pledged to work against imprisonment, torture, disappearance and extrajudicial killings of their fellow brethren who became victims of intolerance inside Pakistan.

In January, the CPP organizers held a talk in St. Louis, Missouri on `Partition & its Effects,’ based on the early chapters of `Aboard the Democracy Train.’

There, the author made a presentation and answered questions from the audience relating to democracy, human rights, terrorism and the changing international scenario.

Excerpts from the talk & questions and answers can be viewed below:

https://www.facebook.com/vasudha.ravv/videos/544375912594230/

https://www.facebook.com/vasudha.ravv/videos/544394135925741/

Funeral bridges religious and ethnic divides

Asma Jahangir’s funeral was an emotionally draining yet an energising experience in unique ways. People of all ages, genders, ethnicities, religions, and social classes came to bid adieu to her. Only she could manage to amass such a wide spectrum of the society at such an occasion.

There were trans people, women, men, youngsters, older people, people descending from SUVs with their guards, people coming on motorbikes, as well as people pouring in on foot because public transport left them far from the venue owing to security arrangements. There were destitute women who had secured shelter because of Asma.

There were activists who had spent lifetime in struggling for people’s rights, under Asma’s guidance and leadership. There were people whose lives she had changed by merely being there when they needed help. There were people who found meaning in their lives while being with her.

There were people from practically all walks of life and widest possible range of classes. Religious scholars who admired her work were also in attendance. One Mufti sahib came looking for me from the thick crowd, and told me what a big fan of Asma Jahangir he was. Another cleric, who insisted he was not a mullah but just a deeply religious man, told me he hadn’t met a person more courageous, honest and upright as Asma.

The funeral prayer was led by Haider Farooq Maudoodi, who opposes Islamists and is considered closer to Marxists. His views against political Islam, mullahism and exploitation of religion for political power games are well known, just as his famous revolt from his father Maulana Abul A’ala Maudoodi. Farooq had a long-standing relationship with Asma’s family and he supported the values Asma stood for.

The striking feature of this unique funeral ceremony was the predominant presence of women and the role they played throughout the event. At 11:45am when the body arrived at Asma’s home from the mortuary, women took it from the ambulance to the drawing room, which had been emptied already by removing all furniture. Women of the family and Asma’s comrades from Women’s Action Forum were all clad in identical black dresses with yellow scarves inscribed with women empowerment slogans.

After almost three hours, when the body had to be shifted to the ambulance again for the funeral procession, it was these women who carried her to the ambulance.

While the close family, her husband, children, and siblings sat in the ambulance, other women escorted the slow moving ambulance to the venue on foot.

Defying another regressive tradition, women shouldered her funeral bed – a practice conventionally considered a strictly male domain.

It’s not very frequent that so many women are seen in public spaces on such occasions. Their presence gave an egalitarian look to the funeral ceremony. Afterwards, men and women made rows and said the prayers together.

This was a rare and unforgettable sight. Men and women from all religions – Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and Muslims of all sects, arranged in rows like beautiful pearls of different colours in one thread.

Women defied the established code. After the prayers, they raised slogans reiterating their vows to carry forward the legacy of Asma Jehangir.

The Government of Pakistan decided not to respond to people’s demands of flying the national flag at half-mast or of arranging a state funeral for her. Asma was much bigger than a state funeral anyway. Activists making these demands had only hoped that the state of Pakistan would honour itself by acquiescing.

It was hardly a surprise that some institutions and organs of the state maintained radio silence on the occasion. No public condolance, message of solidarity or eulogy or even a prayer for the departed came from those corridors. Not to mention, this hasn’t impacted Asma’s stature one bit.

Expressing solidarity with the mourners would have elevated state’s own perception among the public.

The sentiments of love and respect that people demonstrated for Asma Jehangir are unprecedented in recent history of this country.

Her detractors and haters, on the other hand, remain inconsequential and unknown. No one would even know when they die. But here is Asma Jahangir – who went like the majestic queen of hearts she has been. This probably is her revenge! But her ultimate revenge would be in continuation of her mission with all the energies of her supporters combined. The attainment of a progressive, democratic, secular and peace-loving Pakistan will be the ultimate revenge.

Sindhis, Siraiki, Pakhtuns, Baloch, Hazaras, Gilgitis, Baltis and others from far-flung areas came to bid farewell to their comrade. A Pakhtun contingent was most conspicuous for their number and for their vibrancy. They were the last people who were addressed by Asma in a public setting during their recent sit-in in Islamabad.

If one word can describe the funeral procession, it is pluralism. That’s what Asma Jehangir lived for as well. Her funeral looked like Pakistan. A truly federal Pakistan with all communities represented.

Even in her death, she did not conform to the established code. Resistance, thy name is Asma.

Prominent Pakistani rights activist Asma Jahangir dies aged 66 Lawyer who was outspoken critic of country’s Islamist extremism had a heart attack in Lahore

Asma Jahangir, one of Pakistan’s most prominent human rights activists, has died of a heart attack aged 66.

She was rushed to hospital in Lahore on Saturday night and died the following day, her daughter Muneeze Jahangir said.

Friends, relatives, activists and journalists thronged to her residence in Lahore to express their grief. Local TV stations broadcast footage showing public figures and Jahangir’s friends sobbing and consoling each other outside her residence as her body was brought home from hospital.

The prime minister of Pakistan, Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, lauded her “immense contributions towards upholding rule of law, democracy and safeguarding human rights”.

Pakistan’s rulers must show an honest resolve to fight terrorism

Jahangir was the chair of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and respected for her outspoken criticism of the country’s militant Islamist groups and her record as an activist.

She was also the president of the supreme court bar association and had served as the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Iran since 2016.

Jahangir, a fierce defender of democracy who also regularly raised concerns about Pakistan’s military and intelligence services, was included in Time magazine’s list of the 100 most influential women.

She defended minority Christians charged with blasphemy, an offence that under Pakistan’s controversial law carries the death penalty.

She was repeatedly threatened by the country’s militant religious right whom she criticised loudly and often.

She was also placed under house arrest in 2007 for her part in a lawyers’ protest movement that helped lead to the military leader Pervez Musharraf stepping down from power.

A champion of human rights, Jahangir was unafraid to speak loudly against those attacking minority religions and women. She won scores of international awards. Several years ago, she briefly sent her family out of the country following threats from militant groups.

Zohra Yousuf, a former chair of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, said she lost a “great friend and great warrior of human rights.”

“No one can replace Asma … She was unmatched and unparalleled, we suffered a great loss today,” Yousuf said.
The activist Marvi Sarmad tweeted: “Today it’s not only Pakistan who will cry. The entire South Asia shall mourn Asma Jahangir.”

“’Speaking truth to power,’ a phrase we often use, Asma Jahangir lived, practiced till her last breath,” said another activist, Raza Ahmed Rumi.

Jahangir is survived by her husband, the businessman Tahir Jahangir, a son and two daughters. Her other daughter, Salima, lives in London. The funeral would take place after Salima’s return to Pakistan, the family announced.

A symbol of resistance: Veteran journalist Siddiq Baloch laid to rest

KARACHI: Veteran journalist Siddiq Baloch was laid to rest in Mewa Shah Graveyard Tuesday afternoon. He passed away early Tuesday morning in Karachi, while fighting pancreatic cancer for many years.

Siddiq, 78, was a renowned journalist, senior political economist and democrat. He was the chief editor of Daily Azadi Quetta, an Urdu newspaper started by him in 2002 and Balochistan Express, an English newspaper.

He regularly contributed columns to Dawn and was an authority on Balochistan’s social, political and economic matters. Siddiq played an important role in Baloch nationalist politics. In 2002, he authored a book, ‘A critical comment on political economy of Balochistan’.

He was conferred the Tamgha-i-Imtiaz in 2015.

Born in Lyari, Karachi in 1940, Siddiq moved to Quetta in 1990 and started the Balochistan Express. His journalistic career spanned over 50 years. In 1981, he was elected president of the Karachi Union of Journalists (KUJ). He took an active part in the freedom of expression movement, and served two terms. He was also elected as president of the Balochistan Newspapers Editors Council and as an office bearer of the Karachi Press Club.

Journalist Ziaur Rehman remarked, “He [Siddiq] was one of the founding members of the Baloch Students Organisation and affiliated with NAP in his student life. He was imprisoned in the infamous Hyderabad Conspiracy Case”.

Siddiq’s jail companions were Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri, Sardar Attaullah Mengal and Khan Abdul Wali Khan.
Former correspondent for The Express Tribune, Shahzad Baloch, who was Siddiq’s nephew, while paying tribute to him said, “It is hard to believe that my teacher, a fatherly figure, my uncle and veteran journalist Siddiq has passed away. He was the reason for whatever I am today and I spent my entire life with him”.

In his message on Twitter, former editor of Dawn, Abbas Nasir, said that Siddiq was a huge resistance figure among journalists who opposed Zia’s autocratic rule.

Pakistan Peoples Party Central Information Secretary Nafisa Shah said that her heartfelt sympathies, thoughts and prayers were with the family of the senior leftist journalist.

Siddiq left three daughters and five sons among the mourners and his son, Zafar Baloch, is The Express Tribune’s correspondent from Quetta.

Battle for Kabul Has Begun

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WASHINGTON — Taliban attacks on two consecutive weekends in Kabul, which have killed hundreds of people, including Americans, have occurred in the midst of stepped-up efforts by the Trump administration to find a way out of the 16-year-old Afghan imbroglio.

While the Trump administration has doubled its troop level in Afghanistan to 16,000, the U.S. Central Command led by Gen. Joseph Votel has dispatched military advisers that are guiding Afghan forces to stay on the offensive before the fighting season with the Taliban begins in spring.

That runs contrary to neighboring Pakistan’s position, which says it has in recent times intensified its push for talks with the Taliban leadership.

But disregarding Islamabad’s offer, the Trump administration has accused Pakistan of playing a “double game” that foremost includes giving refuge to the Haqqani network — the wealthy and well-connected Afghan Taliban who migrated to Pakistan 40 years ago.

A New Year tweet by Trump accused Pakistan of “lies and deceit” in taking U.S. money while harboring the Taliban, which makes ferocious attacks on NATO forces in Afghanistan. Frustrated officials in Washington have stopped $255 million aid to Islamabad.

In mid-January, Nikki Haley, U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, articulated Trump’s policy in Kabul when she told a U.N. Security Council meeting that Pakistan should stop giving refuge to the Afghan Taliban militants.

Exactly a week later, the Taliban laid a 13-hour siege on Kabul’s Hotel Intercontinental, where they killed and wounded dozens of guests and set the hotel on fire. The casual manner in which the militants ate food inside the hotel — targeting foreigners at will — showed their ability to strike the protected enclave at a time and place of their choosing.

Barely was Afghanistan out of its state of shock when the next weekend on Jan. 27, a suicide bomber used an ambulance to kill and wound hundreds of people in a crowded part of Kabul. While Taliban spokesman Zabiullah Mujahid claimed that police had been killed, eyewitnesses said the victims were mainly civilians.

Following the hotel attack, a retired Pakistani brigadier, Ishaq Khattak, rejected Afghan and U.S. allegations that the Haqqani network waged the attacks from inside the sanctuaries provided by Pakistan.

Still, pressed on whether the attack may be part of Pakistan’s strategy to up the ante in the final settlement with the Taliban, Khattak said it was the U.S. that needed to “change its line of thinking” and consider why it was unable to bring peace in Afghanistan even after 16 years.

Marvin Weinbaum, a former official in the State Department, says that the U.S. does not buy this line. Instead, he says the Trump administration plans to enforce its hard-line strategy “to keep up the military pressure to create conditions where the Taliban are ready to talk on U.S. terms.”

In keeping with this policy, the U.S. on Jan. 24 unilaterally made a drone attack in Pakistan. The attack hit the Orakzai agency’s Dapa Mamozai village and killed Haqqani network commander Tariq Mahmood.

Mahmood was also known by his warrior name, Khowarai. According to NBC News, he had led fighters in multiple attacks on Afghan security forces and U.S. soldiers in Afghanistan. Another Haqqani commander injured in the drone attack was taken away for investigation into the Jan, 20 terrorist attack that killed dozens of people in Hotel Intercontinental in Kabul.

The Pakistan Foreign Office expressed displeasure at the “unilateral” drone strike by the Resolute Support Mission, claiming it had “targeted an Afghan camp.” Political agents in the FATA confirmed, however, that the drone attack was on a single housing unit and did not kill any civilians.

Author Shuja Nawaz, distinguished fellow at the Atlantic Council’s South Asia Center, says that the U.S. was able to undertake the precise drone attack because Western countries such as Britain and France have increased their intelligence agents in the border areas since 2004.

Nawaz says the Haqqanis have their sanctuaries inside Afghanistan’s borders with Pakistan — Pakhtia, Pakhtika and Khost — enabling them to easily cross over to the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) that border Afghanistan. He says he regrets that Pakistan lost its opportunity last year to expel the Haqqani network to Afghanistan.

Pakistan says it has been trying to nudge the U.S. toward talks. On Jan. 15, Islamabad tried to use its “soft power” by hosting an Afghan Taliban delegation from Qatar to meet with the head of the National Islamic Front of Afghanistan — Pir Syed Hamid Gilani.

Mullah Haibatullah Akhundzada, head of the Afghan Taliban and third in line from Mullah Omar, reportedly gave his blessings to the meeting.

Weinbaum says the Taliban’s demand that they want to “talk to the U.S.” is an oft-used strategy that is not going to fly. He says that by so doing, the Taliban merely seeks to reiterate that they want to see the “Americans out of Afghanistan.”

“Once the U.S. is out, then the Taliban, without stating it, will go — whether it’s a matter of months or a year — to scoring a military victory,” he said.

According to Nawaz, Pakistan’s continuing failure to push the Afghan Taliban out of FATA could lead the U.S. to send in troops from across the border to take them out, which for Pakistan would be a “red line.”

Meanwhile, Nawaz predicts that before using a last resort such as “declaring Pakistan a state sponsor of terrorism,” the U.S. will use “pressure points” such as the IMF, World Bank and international bodies to get Pakistan to cooperate.

Experts believe that the real test will come during the Afghan spring offensive, for which the U.S. is recruiting younger commanders, while bringing in new equipment and advisers — setting the stage to fight the Taliban in order to speed up the endgame.

Evening Get-together by St. Louis community

An evening get together at a local restaurant in St. Louis, Missouri picked up on some of the issues raised by the author at the Ethical Society earlier on Jan. 20.

Convener Sohail Ansari introduced the author at the event, attended by men and women from all the communities that are represented in Pakistan.

During the evening address at Kababish restaurant in St. Louis, the author shared her observations about how the expatriate community tended to stay in their comfort zones – Sindhis with Sindhis, Mohajirs with Mohajirs and women with women – just like within their home country.

She said that change could take place only if the expats worked to bring change within their own lives.

Afterwards, the community raised comments and questions pertaining to the homeland. These included the dilemmas they face because of their multiple nationalities as US and Pakistani citizens.

The video may be watched by following the link below:

https://www.facebook.com/NadeemRizviHumanist/videos/10159806502640655/?fref=nf

Author Presents Excerpts of `Aboard the Democracy Train’ in Missouri

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The author of Aboard the Democracy Train gave a presentation of her book at an event sponsored by the Pakistani community in Missouri on Jan. 20. Held at the Ethical Society of St. Louis, Nafisa Hoodbhoy was the guest speaker during a two hour long session that explored specific topics relating to the effects of partition on Sindh, the ethnic divide that occurred during the 1980s and terrorism.

Over the course of the presentation, the author talked about her front line view of the manipulation she had witnessed from Islamabad to divide people on the basis of ethnicity and political affiliation. Confining herself mostly to the period between 1988 to 1999, she spoke of how Pakistan had since inception worked to `manage’ the teeming masses who had migrated to the country from India in 1947.

Program convener Dr Nadeem Rizvi was on hand to address the underlying question facing the expatriate community – namely why Sindhis, Mohajirs, Pashtuns and Punjabis remain divided even when they migrate overseas.

Afterwards, the author answered questions from the audience. They included Americans who had little knowledge of Pakistan’s politics but were keen to talk about the US relationship to that country.

That evening, the author had the opportunity to address a larger gathering of the community – including women – at a local hotel.

The event may be viewed on the URLs below

https://www.facebook.com/NadeemRizviHumanist/videos/10159803237855655/?fref=mentions

https://www.facebook.com/vasudha.ravv/videos/544375912594230/

https://www.facebook.com/vasudha.ravv/videos/544394135925741/