MULTAN, Pakistan, May 3 — Gunmen on Friday killed a Pakistani prosecutor who had been investigating the murder of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and the 2008 Mumbai attacks.
Assailants opened fire on the prosecutor, Chaudhry Zulfikar Ali, as he drove to work from his home in a suburb of the capital, Islamabad, for a court hearing in which the former military leader, Pervez Musharraf, faces charges in relation to Ms. Bhutto’s death in 2007.
The police said that gunmen traveling by motorbike and in a taxi sprayed Mr. Ali’s car with bullets, lightly wounding his bodyguard and killing a woman who was passing by when his car veered out of control. Television footage from the scene showed a bullet-riddled vehicle crashed by the roadside.
Mr. Ali died before he reached a hospital in Islamabad, where a doctor said he had been shot 13 times. The police said that Mr. Ali’s bodyguard returned fire and managed to wound one of the attackers. The police are searching for the attackers, all of whom escaped.
There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack, and the police said it was too early to comment on a possible motive. But few doubted that it was linked to Mr. Ali’s work as a state prosecutor in some of the most sensitive cases in the country, and his death reinforced the vulnerability of senior government officials who challenge Islamist militants and other powerful interests.
Mr. Ali represented the Federal Investigation Agency, which has implicated Mr. Musharraf in the death of Ms. Bhutto, who was assassinated in December 2007, just before the last election.
After the previous hearing in the Bhutto case on April 30, Mr. Ali told reporters he had “solid evidence” that connected Mr. Musharraf with Ms. Bhutto’s death.
Prosecutors and Bhutto supporters accuse Mr. Musharraf of failing to provide adequate security to Ms. Bhutto after her return from exile in October 2007. Mr. Musharraf has denied those accusations.
Since Mr. Musharraf’s return from exile in March, investigators have questioned him about the security arrangements for Ms. Bhutto in 2007. He insisted that, as head of state, he was not involved in administrative matters such as security arrangements.
Mr. Ali was also involved in another sensitive case: the trial of seven people from the militant group Lashkar-e-Taiba charged with involvement in the attacks in Mumbai, India, in November 2008, which killed more than 160 people.
Seven Lashkar activists have been on trial since 2009, accused of orchestrating the slaughter from Pakistan, and one of the defendants is the group’s operational leader, Zaki ur-Rehman Lakhvi. But the hearings have been characterized by opacity and a lethargic pace.
The trial is taking place at Adila jail in Rawalpindi, ostensibly on security grounds, and the news media are barred from proceedings. Hearings have been repeatedly adjourned because of the absence of lawyers or the presiding judge.
Currently, defense lawyers are cross-examining the prosecution witnesses. Mr. Ali was scheduled to appear in court on Saturday in relation to the case.
Lashkar-e-Taiba was founded with help from the Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate, Pakistan’s spy agency, in the 1990s, and its presumed leader, Hafiz Muhammad Saeed, lives openly in the eastern city of Lahore. The spy agency says it has cut all links with the group.
Mr. Ali’s death comes at a sensitive time, with Pakistanis scheduled to go to the polls for a general election on May 11. Campaigning has been marred by widespread Taliban violence against candidates from secular parties.
In the latest attack, gunmen shot dead a candidate from the secular Awami National Party, which has borne the brunt of attacks, along with his 6-year-old son, in the port city of Karachi on Friday.
Although Islamabad suffered a number of militant attacks in 2008 and 2009, it has escaped major violence in recent years. But several prominent figures have been assassinated on its streets, including the former governor of Punjab Province, Salman Taseeer, and a minister for religious affairs.
Mir Hazar Khan Khoso, the interim prime minister, addressed the nation Friday evening and reiterated his government’s resolve to hold free, fair, transparent and peaceful elections, and he said a special security cell had been established in the Interior Ministry to coordinate with the national election commission.
“This cell will collect intelligence reports and share it with provincial government and law enforcing agencies, and this cell is also empowered to take decisions for timely action if needed,” Mr. Khoso said. “All resources will be used to improve security of the sensitive polling stations and their effective monitoring,” he added.
Mr. Musharraf returned from exile with a plan to run for Parliament in a general election. He faces charges in several cases related to his time in power, including the murder of Ms. Bhutto, the killing of a Baloch nationalist leader, and the firing of senior judges.
Mr. Musharraf, a retired general, has been disqualified from contesting the election, and this week a court banned him from politics for life. He also faces possible treason charges.
In the court hearing in nearby Rawalpindi, lawyers for Mr. Musharraf argued that he should be exempted from appearing in person in the case, Pakistani television stations reported. The hearing was adjourned until May 14.
Salman Masood contributed reporting from Islamabad, Pakistan.
Army chief Gen. Ashfaque Pervaiz Kiyani (Credit topnews.in)
ISLAMABAD: Army chief Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani used the occasion of ‘Youm-i-Shuhada’ (martyrs’ day) to send more than one message to more than one audience.
Assuring everyone that the elections would be held on May 11, he tried to dispel the ever-circulating rumours about the postponement of elections.
He also made it clear that the war the army was fighting was Pakistan’s war and that the anti-democratic forces would never be acceptable, sending a message to all those watching the country’s battle with extremism and militants. And last but not least, he also indirectly expressed the military’s reservations about the treatment being meted out to his predecessor retired Gen Pervez Musharraf.
“Allah willing, general elections will be held in the country on 11th of May. We must not harbour any doubts or misgivings about it,” the army chief said while addressing a ceremony at the GHQ to mark the day.
“I assure you that we stand committed to wholeheartedly assist and support in the conduct of free, fair and peaceful elections; to the best of our capabilities and remaining within the confines of the constitution. I also assure you that this support shall solely be aimed at strengthening democracy and rule of law in the country,” he said.
Like every Pakistani, he said, Pakistan Army in its humble capacity, had endeavored to strengthen democracy in the past five years with the hope that the next elections would steer the country towards betterment.
“Now, once the destination is in sight we must not err in accomplishing our responsibilities towards the election process. We must never forget that success of any system resides in coming up to the aspirations of the masses. The success of democracy is intimately linked with the wellbeing and prosperity of the nation. The real virtue of democracy ultimately lies in the safety and welfare of the masses,” he said.
GOLDEN OPPORTUNITY: He termed the next elections “a golden opportunity” for the people that “can usher in an era of true democratic values in the country”.
In his indirect reference to the ongoing trial of former military ruler Musharraf, the army chief said: “In my opinion, it is not merely retribution, but awareness and participation of the masses that can truly end this game of hide and seek between democracy and dictatorship.”
Gen Kayani was of the view that if they succeeded in rising above all ethnic, linguistic and sectarian biases to vote solely on the basis of honesty, sincerity, merit and competence, “there would be no reason to fear dictatorship or to grudge the inadequacies of our present democratic system”.
“Our salvation resides in transforming the government into a true platform of public representation. This would come to pass once the construct of public representation in Pakistan is oriented towards affording primacy and precedence to larger public interest over personal interests. Otherwise, may it be democracy or dictatorship; governance would continue to remain a means of self-aggrandisement and that of plundering national wealth and resources,” he said.
According to the army chief, the conduct of elections is not an end in itself, “but is surely an important means towards delivering us from our present sufferings”.
He regretted that despite tremendous sacrifices, the dream of founding fathers under the leadership of Quaid-i-Azam and Allama Iqbal was yet to be realised. “Perhaps, we have either not discovered the correct path or have not remained steadfast in our journey. Yet the spirit of sacrifice and resilience of our nation remains undiminished.”
‘WAR ON TERROR’: Blaming “external enemies” for the menace of terrorism and extremism that had claimed thousands of lives in the country, the army chief criticised those busy in debating the causes and origin of the ‘war on terror’ — an apparent reference to certain political and religious groups accusing Gen Musharraf of bringing this war to the country’s soil.
“We cannot afford to confuse our soldiers and weaken their resolve with such misgivings,” he said, adding: “Considering this war against terrorism as the war of the armed forces alone can lead to chaos and disarray that we cannot afford.”He said the fact of the matter was that today it was Pakistan and its valiant people who were a target of this war and were suffering tremendously.
“I would like to ask all those who raise such questions that if a small faction wants to enforce its distorted ideology over the entire nation by taking up arms and for this purpose defies the Constitution of Pakistan and the democratic process and considers all forms of bloodshed justified, then does the fight against this enemy of the state constitute someone else’s war?”, he asked.
According to the COAS, even in the history of the best evolved democratic states, treason or seditious uprisings against the state have never been tolerated and in such struggles their armed forces have had unflinching support of the masses; questions about the ownership of such wars have never been raised.
Gen Kayani expressed the desire that all those who had “strayed and have picked up arms against the nation, return to the national fold”.
However, he said, this was only possible once “they unconditionally submit to the state, its constitution and the rule of law. There is no room for doubts when it comes to dealing with rebellion against the state.”
The army chief said the “nefarious designs of our enemy, may it be internal or external, will never succeed and we shall eventually prevail.”
He paid tribute to the 140 soldiers and officers who lost their lives in an avalanche in Gayari sector.
The event honoured the personnel of armed forces and police and the civilians killed by the terrorists and extremists.
Apart from the parents of martyred servicemen, sons of SP Syed Abdul Kalam and ANP leader Bashir Ahmed Bilour, who were killed in suicide attacks, and the children of slain journalist Nasrullah Khan Afridi also spoke.
ANP president Asfandyar Wali Khan (Credit: pakistantoday.com.pk) The 2013 elections in Pakistan are critical for setting a clear goal post for the nation. However, the short time frame in which they are taking place has left the caretaker administration and security institutions scrambling to clean up a nation wracked by terrorism, poverty and inequality.
With the simmering insurgency on the Pak-Afghan border, the caretaker administration has tried to beef up security in the violence stricken areas of FATA, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan — as well as Karachi, where former incumbents from the secular PPP, ANP and MQM are under attack by a determined Taliban enemy.
But given that militants in Pakistan’s north have consistently targeted secular candidates, especially Awami National Party, while allowing rallies by Imran Khan’s Tehrik-i-Insaf, Jamiat-i-Ulema Islam (Fazlur Rehman group) and even the Pakistan Muslim League (N) — has led to questions about the outcome of the election.
In particular, civil society is questioning whether the relentlessness with which militants are killing secular incumbents and their supporters, while facilitating political parties who have a soft corner for them – will bring pro Taliban legislators into parliament.
In many areas of the KP and FATA, the poor security situation has already deprived incumbents from hoisting party flags or holding rallies. Apart from contesting as independents or putting up proxies, the ANP and PPP have not nominated candidates to many seats in Waziristan and the tribal belt bordering Afghanistan.
The anti US sentiment in Pakistan, accelerated by drone attacks and military operations… combined with increased poverty, income gap and poor governance, is a big factor that has caused the incumbents to lose ground among voters.
But the ANP – which lost many key leaders while stopping the onslaught of the Taliban in the last five years – has been worst hit. Its rallies have been repeatedly attacked and its rank and file killed and wounded across Pakistan. The party leadership has clearly spelled out the Tehrik-i-Taliban as the perpetrators. The TTP has also become the MQM’s worst enemy – kiling their candidates and attacking their election offices.
Time and again, the caretaker administration has taken note of the terrible security situation and beefed up security. The visible effects of greater law enforcement has been a drop off in mass terror attacks (like the one planned by the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi against Hazaras late April in Balochistan) and a slight drop off in violence in Karachi.
But it is a situation that has caused the PPP to hunker down and avoid public rallies. That is changing the face of the once populist party, which even refrained from kicking off its election campaign on April 4, the death anniversary of PPP founder, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
The election scenario does not look good for the Zardari led PPP, whose primary achievement seems to have been the completion of five years in power. To its detriment, the PPP government has left behind a nation that is hungrier, violent and more unstable — and still out of sync with the modern world.
Come May 11, voters across Pakistan will likely vote on the basis of feudal and tribal loyalties. Still, the government’s lack luster performance over the last five years is bound to cost them a big percentage of the votes.
This is bound to hurt the party even in its home turf in Sindh, where it is now pitted against all political forces that exercise influence in the province. The Pakistan Muslim League (N), joined by Pirs, tribal and feudal chiefs, religious parties and even nationalists have formed an anti PPP front that is almost reminiscent of the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI) — funded by the intelligence agencies in 1993 to prevent Benazir Bhutto from returning to power.
That is where the similarity ends.
Two decades ago, when Benazir led the PPP, her being a woman necessarily changed the party’s image. Keeping up the populism espoused by her father former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, she led a party of the masses that touched on the promised goodness of the socialist rhetoric `roti, kapra, makan,’ (food, clothing and shelter) — even if it did not deliver. But the image of millions of people looking for change did not jive with the establishment — and contributed to her murder in 2007.
Thereafter, the default president, Asif Zardari — hands untied, amassed wealth and privileges for a coterie of supporters at the expense of the majority “have-nots.” He used the classic methods he knew of getting opponents out of the way — sweet talk and bribe.
The situation has not gone unnoticed by the Supreme Court, which recently moved against some of the political appointments made by the departing PPP government. The superior court has also moved against the “life time of perks and privileges” bestowed by the PPP’s departing prime minister to former government functionaries just before the National Assembly term concluded.
Come May 11, tribal loyalties and to some extent the background of the candidates will influence the results of elections in rural Sindh. In so doing, voters may still choose the lower middle class Sindhis from the PPP as opposed to larger feudals. Still, the situation remains dicey and not altogether in the PPP’s favor.
Midway between Karachi and Hyderabad, the coastal town of Thatta promises to be a test case in the electoral contest between the PPP – where the Shirazis and Malkanis (head of the tribal Jats) – have announced the withdrawal of support from the PPP to their own nominee. In so doing, they have put up their own candidate, Zardari’s nominee and a shadowy muscle man – Owais Muzzafar (Tappi) – accusing him of usurpation of lands and the promotion of a coastal town of Zulfikarabad, being opposed by the locals.
It has opened up the situation for an independent candidate for provincial assembly – Mohammed Ali Shah – to step into the election. Shah is president of the Pakistan Fisher folk Forum and espouses an idealistic program to fight for the rights of fisher folk as well as agricultural and livestock communities.
Shah, who opposes PPP’s Owais Muzzafar for provincial assembly, claims his candidature has caused the Thatta feudals to break away from their support for the PPP.
Whichever way the situation pans out, a sense of disillusionment with the incumbent parties as well as the existing culture of the provinces is bound to redraw its political scenario.
Till then, the candidates deserve a level playing field instead of the life and death threats they confront in their quest to represent the people.
Shahab Usto (Credit: tsj.com.pk)Leadership is all about coming up with the right answers to the fundamental questions that are related to the state and society; the rest is just fancy gimmickry and demagogy to woo the half-literate and gullible electorate.
The search for these answers has become all the more imperative as the parties are bracing for the ‘final’ round to ‘oust’ one another from the electoral arena or from the realm of probablity to form a government , though it remains to be seen how they are going to achieve their goal within the democratic parameters when none of the parties seems likely to achieve the required numbers in the elections to single-handledly form a government at Islamabad, if not in the provinces. Moreover, what alternative programme do they have that is going to salvage the country from the existing crises? Finally, do they really believe the problems lie only with bad governance, corruption etc ( as the PTI vehemently claims) and not with the fundamental national security and foreign policy paradigm, which has been jealously guarded by the establishment right from the beginning?
In addition to these queries, there are five questions of primal importance that the mainstream political contenders must answer on the eve of the elections if they have to steer the country out of the gathering storms.
First, how to forge a foreign policy that should pursue a peaceful resolution of bilateral and regional disputes without compromising on national interests, and more importantly, shunning the abstract non-state or meta-state strategic objectives?
This question arose on the very eve of the country’s creation. Kashmir and other disputes with India demanded that the state’s policies should strike a balance between social and security priorities. Unfortunately, that balance was never struck. Security trumped the social sector, sowing the seeds of both intra- and inter-national conflicts with or via India, which cost the country half its part and plunged it into regional and global conflagrations, particularly in the wake of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and 9/11.
Secondly, how to drastically rehash the existing lopsided socio-economic order to change the pathetic social and economic realities faced by the millions of the dispossessed and marginalised masses? Again, this question has never been seriously addressed. Particularly after the perceived ‘failure’ of the PPP’s ‘socialist agenda’ and the tragic fall of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, none of the political or military leaders has dared to go for a meaningful redistribution of wealth and resources. Instead, the fledgling trade unions and peasant movements were nipped in the bud by means of repressive laws and the coercive state machinery.
As a result, today on the one hand half of the population is illiterate, one-third ‘very poor’, one-fourth homeless and one-fifth unemployed, but on the other the country has seen over recent years an increasing monopolisation of industrial, financial and landed assets by a small group of political, business and bureaucratic interests. In fact, regardless of which political party is in power, the state continues to remain blindly wedded to this oligarchic neo-liberal economic model that has failed even in the west in the absence of state regulation.
De-politicisation by General Musharraf and the so-called political ‘reconciliation’ have further strengthened this oligarchic order. As a result, the weak and impoverished classes have been suffering at the hands of bad governance and rising cost of living but the rich and resourceful have been reaping the rewards of a lax fiscal regime, ineffectual accountability and an unbounded access to power.
Third, how to remove the ill will, acrimony between the powerful Centre and the smaller provinces and and the increasingly uncontrolable sectarian, ethnic and mafia-style violence within the society? This question continues to beg an answer notwithstanding the loss of the eastern wing in 1971, the recurring insurgencies in Balochistan, ethnic turf wars in Karachi, and the increasing demand for more linguistic provinces. Moreover, the recent constitutional reforms and devolution of powers to the provinces has made it incumbent upon the political (and military) leadership to evolve a consensus on maximum provincial autonomy. This question may seriously impinge upon the federation and security of the state. Already, the Centre-provinces relations, particularly with reference to Balochistan, are increasingly getting snarled up with the regional web of rivalries and proxy wars, further complicating the situation. Pakistan has repeatedly pointed to the ‘safe havens’ for insurgents in Afghanistan.
Fourth, how to stem and reverse the rising tide of sectarian and inter-religion conflicts that have traumatised society and turned the state into a pawn of regional and global jihadi and counter-jihadi wars? This question needs to be addressed politically and socially, i.e. by enforcing a stringent rule of law to develop a tolerant space for discourses among the representatives of various liberal, religious and sectarian schools. The purpose should be to help evolve an understanding on freedom of expression and respect for multi-scholastic views. So far, the mainstream leadership, both liberal and conservative, have failed to achieve it. Their myopic partisan interests and mutual distrust have not allowed the participatory democratic system to take root and help accommodate divergent views and ideologies. As a result, the ‘discourse’ has been hijacked by violent extremist outfits.
Finally, how to make the government lean, clean and accountable? This is again a primordial question that has cost many a civilian government, paving the way for the decades-long military rule. More recently, it became the ‘cause’ of the dismissal of at least three elected governments in the 1990s, the ‘lost’ decade. But surprisingly, the civilian leaderships have not learnt any lessons. The PPP-coalition government has been castigated day in and day out for its alleged ‘corruption’ and ‘inefficiency’. Indeed, the debate on good governance has acquired an all-encompassing character. Both the PML-N and the PTI are seeking the electoral approval from the masses on this count.
However, it would be wrong to assign all the fundamental structural — social, economic and political — ills to bad governance, which is a significant but only an administrative aspect of the state. No wonder, autocracy has further aggravated the state crisis by focusing only on ‘good governance’ and leaving the underlying socio-economic and political conflicts unattended. Therefore, what is important is to strengthen the institutional bases of good governance. In other words, let the requisites of good governance be fulfilled by putting in place an accountable executive, responsible opposition, reformative legislature, independent judiciary, watchful media, civil society and so on.
But unfortunately, all the ire and reprobation is reserved only for the executive, leaving out the rest of the constituents of bad governance. The PML-N, for example, at the fag end of the last government launched its ‘go Zardari’ campaign, ignoring the fact that barring a small minority, the entire mainstream leadership was partaking of the government at the Centre or the provinces. Why did they not find and fix the malfunctioning parts of the ‘system’ instead of scoring points on partisan political grounds?
And if they couldn’t, because theywere more interested in capturing power, then at least now let these questions be given the utmost priority in the electoral debates and let the electorate be educated enough to weed out the ‘inept’ and ‘corrupt’ would-be rulers, who ever they are.
The writer is a lawyer and academic. He can be reached at shahabusto@hotmail.com
Musharraf in Islamabad High Court (Credit: breakingnews.ie)
ISLAMABAD, April 18 — When the former military ruler Pervez Musharraf ended his years of exile last month, it was with a vision of himself as a political savior, returning in the nick of time to save Pakistan from chaos.
Instead, he contributed a new and bizarre chapter to the country’s political turmoil on Thursday, fleeing the halls of the High Court after a judge ordered his arrest. Speeding away in a convoy of black S.U.V.’s as a crowd of lawyers mocked him, he hurried to his fortress compound outside of the capital, where he was later declared under house arrest.
Less than five years after wielding absolute power, the retired four-star general has become the latest example of the Pakistani judiciary’s increasing willingness to pursue previously untouchable levels of society — even to the top ranks of the powerful military.
Never before has a retired army chief faced imprisonment in Pakistan, and analysts said the move against Mr. Musharraf could open a new rift between the courts and the military.
All this comes at a delicate moment for Pakistan, with elections near and only a temporary caretaker government at the helm. Though army commanders have sworn to stay on the sidelines in this election, there is fear that any tension over Mr. Musharraf’s fate could make the military more politically aggressive.
It was perhaps with that potential conflict in mind that the country’s Supreme Court was reported by Mr. Musharraf’s aides to have deputized his luxury villa — secured by both retired and serving soldiers — as a “sub-jail” late Thursday night rather than demanding that he appear outside the compound’s walls for arrest.
The tight security at his home, ringed by guard posts and barbed wire, was at first a reflection of repeated Taliban threats to kill the former general. But for now, the imminent danger to Mr. Musharraf, who ruled Pakistan between 1999 and 2008, stems from the courts.
At Thursday’s hearing, the High Court judge, Shaukat Aziz Siddiqui, refused to extend Mr. Musharraf’s bail in a case focusing on his controversial decision to fire and imprison the country’s top judges when he imposed emergency rule in November 2007.
Resentment toward the former army chief and president still runs deep in the judiciary, which was at the center of the heady 18-month protest movement that led to his ouster in 2008.
Mr. Musharraf’s fledgling All Pakistan Muslim League party was cast into crisis. A spokesman for the party described the court order as “seemingly motivated by personal vendettas,” and hinted at the possibility of a looming clash with the military, warning that it could “result in unnecessary tension among the various pillars of state and possibly destabilize the country.”
Mr. Musharraf’s lawyers immediately lodged an appeal with the Supreme Court, which rejected it. The legal team said it would try again on Friday.
The court drama represents the low point of a troubled homecoming for the swaggering commando general, who had vowed to “take the country out of darkness” after returning from four years of self-imposed exile in Dubai, London and the United States.
But instead of the public adulation he was apparently expecting, Mr. Musharraf has been greeted by stiff legal challenges, political hostility and — perhaps most deflating — a widespread sense of public apathy.
Pakistan’s influential television channels have given scant coverage to Mr. Musharraf since his return, and his party has struggled to find strong candidates to field in the general election scheduled for May 11. On Tuesday, the national election commission delivered another blow, disqualifying Mr. Musharraf from the election.
The army, once the source of Mr. Musharraf’s power, has offered little in the way of succor, apart from some armed security.
Meanwhile, Mr. Musharraf faces criminal charges in three cases dating to his period in office — the one related to firing judges and two others related to the deaths of the former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, a Baloch tribal leader. Attempts by some critics to charge Mr. Musharraf with treason have not succeeded.
At times, the self-described elite soldier seemed bent on shooting himself in the foot. In an interview with CNN last week, he admitted to having authorized American drone strikes in the tribal belt — a statement that contradicted years of denials of complicity in the drone program, and which was considered politically disastrous in a country where the drones are widely despised.
In returning home in such an apparently ill-considered manner, Mr. Musharraf has placed himself at the mercy of some of his most bitter enemies.
The favorite to win the coming election is Nawaz Sharif, the onetime prime minister whom Mr. Musharraf overthrew to seize power in 1999.
Meanwhile, the Supreme Court is led by his sworn enemy, Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, whom Mr. Musharraf fired and placed under house arrest in 2007. Justice Siddiqui, who refused him bail on Thursday, is considered a conservative who has been hostile to the military.
Last week, another judge placed Mr. Musharraf on the Exit Control List, which means that he cannot leave the country until a court gives him permission.
In his 2006 memoir, “In the Line of Fire,” Mr. Musharraf wrote: “It is not unusual in Pakistan for the general public and the intelligentsia to approach the army chief and ask him to save the nation.” But as the events of Thursday suggested, it is the former army chief who may need saving this time.
Tribunal overturns ROs in Ayaz Amir case (Credit Pakistanpressfoundation.org)
ISLAMABAD, April 5– Aslam Khan Khattak passed his first — and perhaps most curious — test this week in his quest to become a member of Pakistan’s parliament: He correctly named the first person to walk on the moon.
The question was posed to Khattak by Pakistani judges, who have provoked both laughter and criticism in recent days in their vetting of potential candidates in the country’s upcoming national elections with queries that have veered between the controversial and the bizarre.
One candidate was prodded to spell the word graduation. Another was quizzed on the lyrics of the national anthem. A third was asked how she would manage to serve as a lawmaker with two young children at home.
Many candidates were forced to recite Islamic prayers to prove they were devout Muslims, and one — a prominent journalist — was disqualified because one of his newspaper columns was deemed to have ridiculed Pakistan’s ideology.
“The manner in which the exercise of screening election candidates is being conducted cannot even be termed as childish. It is far worse,” Pakistan’s Dawn newspaper said in an editorial Friday.
The source of the problem, according to critics, is a pair of articles in Pakistan’s constitution — 62 and 63 — introduced in the 1980s by former military dictator Gen. Zia ul-Haq that govern who is eligible to serve in parliament.
The former dictator sought to intensify the religious nature of the majority Muslim country, and article 62 stipulates a lawmaker “has adequate knowledge of Islamic teachings and practices obligatory duties prescribed by Islam.” It also mandates a candidate must be honest and has not “worked against the integrity of the country or opposed the ideology of Pakistan.”
Although the articles have been in the constitution for years, they haven’t played a significant role in past elections. But the Supreme Court has pressed judges vetting thousands of candidates to enforce the law more strictly in the run-up to the May 11 parliamentary election in an attempt to weed out corrupt politicians and those who may have broken basic laws, such as not paying their taxes, a common abuse in Pakistan.
The election will mark the first transition between democratically-elected governments in the 65-year history of Pakistan, a country that has experienced three military coups and constant political instability.
Former military dictator Gen. Pervez Musharraf returned to Pakistan recently to contest the election in four different constituencies, which is allowed in the country. But his nomination papers were rejected in one constituency in central Punjab province Friday because he did not meet the criteria in articles 62 and 63, said lawyer Javed Kasuri, who filed a complaint against Musharraf.
Weeding out corrupt lawmakers is widely supported in Pakistan, where public graft is alleged to be rampant. But the decision by some judges to make candidates recite verses from Islam’s holy book, the Quran, to prove they are good Muslims has sparked outrage.
Officials “don’t have the right to determine who is a good Muslim and who is a bad Muslim, and they must not reject nomination papers just because someone could not recite verses from the Quran,” said Asma Jehangir, one of Pakistan’s top human rights activists.
She said the people of Pakistan should have the right to decide the fate of these candidates themselves.
The decision of a judge in Punjab on Thursday to reject the nomination papers of Ayaz Amir, a prominent journalist and national lawmaker, also generated significant controversy.
Amir said the judge told him that an article he wrote about famous newspaper columnist Ardeshir Cowasjee after the man’s death last year ridiculed Pakistan’s ideology — a hotly debated subject in a country that has many competing storylines. The judge did not mention what was specifically wrong with the article, which discussed Amir’s friendship with Cowasjee.
“It was a case of illiteracy. The judge didn’t understand what I wrote in English,” said Amir, who plans to appeal the ruling. “Nothing was against the ideology of Pakistan.”
Amir wrote in the newspaper The News on Friday that the government should repeal articles 62 and 63 because they give too much power to religious leaders in the country. Politicians have been hesitant to act for fear of appearing un-Islamic.
“Every society has its share of outright fools, holding forth as if they have a direct line to heaven, but few societies give fools such a free rein as we seem to do,” wrote Amir.
Ishtiaq Ahmad Khan, the secretary of Pakistan’s election commission, said the problem was that the judges are dealing with subjective issues that need to be standardized, likely by the Supreme Court.
“All these things need to be debated very seriously,” said Khan. “These are very serious issues that have implications for the democratic process.”
The election commission stirred a bit of controversy itself when it forwarded a proposal to the government this week to add to the ballot the choice of “none of the above” — admittedly one that many Pakistanis might support given their low opinion of the country’s politicians. Khan, the election commission secretary, said the organization was just following the Supreme Court’s order.
Some of the questions asked by the judges clearly seemed to fall outside the purview of determining a candidate’s eligibility according to the law, prompting The Express Tribune newspaper to say the process had taken “a turn for the weird.”
Zahid Iqbal, a candidate from the Sunni Tehreek party in the southern city of Karachi, was asked for the correct abbreviation of a bachelor of law degree and the spelling of the word graduation, said the party’s spokesman, Fahim Sheikh. Iqbal failed on both counts, and the judge is expected to decide his fate Friday, said Sheikh.
Former Punjab provincial lawmaker Shamshad Gohar said a judge asked her how many children she had.
“When I said I have two children, aged seven and 11, he said, ‘Your children are too young and how will you manage to look after them after becoming a lawmaker,'” said Gohar, who assured the judge she could handle it.
Perhaps the strangest question was put to Khattak in Karachi, who was asked to name the first person to step on the moon. When Khattak said it was Neil Armstrong, the judge quickly asked who next stepped on the moon. Khattak said it was also Armstrong since he was not disabled and had use of both of his legs.
His candidacy was approved.
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Associated Press writers Atif Raza in Karachi, Pakistan, Zaheer Babar in Lahore, Pakistan, and Munir Ahmed in Islamabad contributed to this report.
Majyd Aziz (Credit: twtrland.com)PAGE recently had a session with industrialist and business personality Majyd Aziz to solicit his views on good governance in Pakistan and the future of the foreign exchange reserves.
Majyd Aziz is a scion of the Balagamwala family that migrated from Bantva, India after Independence and settled in Karachi. Today he heads the close-knit family as well as the Group’s business ventures. The family companies are involved in imports of coal (having over 80% share), pulses, canola, fertilizer, palm kernel cake and many commodities. It is also the largest exporter of chrome ore, barite, and other minerals. It is the largest cargo-handling and stevedoring company in Pakistan. It is the largest facilitator of cement exports and also represents many global shipping lines. It manufactures value-added fabrics that are considered as the benchmark in suiting fabrics. All family members have studied in USA or UK and are actively involved in the family businesses.
Majyd Aziz is also the Chairman of the primarily government-owned SME Bank Ltd. He is a Former President of Karachi Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Former Chairman of SITE Association of Industry, and ex Director of KESC and SITE Ltd. He has represented Pakistan at various international forums and is Honorary Citizen of Houston as well as Austin, Texas, USA.
Q.No.01: How would you comment on good governance in Pakistan?
At the outset, we have to determine what we mean by good governance. A simple definition I found out is that it is the process of decision-making and the process by which decisions are implemented or not implemented. Taking that as a start and putting on my cap as a citizen of this nation, I can state with all merit at my command that good governance has become a rhetorical slogan noticeably devoid of any substance. I do not differentiate between a government that has a democratic dispensation or a regime that is under the control of non-democratic forces. In Pakistan, the element of good governance is a rare commodity.
Let me give you some prime examples. Take the last five years of the democratic environment. The major political party, one which considers its roots among the masses, blatantly demolished its own avowed rallying slogan “Roti, Kapra, Makaan” (Food, Clothing, Shelter) during its tenure. There has been a total disconnect between the politicians and the poor, the unemployed, the landless, and the disfranchised. The hierarchy of the political government spent most of the tenure in scoring political points and indulging in Machiavellian intrigues. Inspite of formidable support from other coalition partners including independents, the government concentrated on stuffing the state-owned enterprises with political appointees, ruthlessly crushed meritocracy, went on a rampage on funds in Treasury, unabashedly acted like Little Caesars, developed a fiddling Nero mindset, and politicized bureaucracy with impunity.
The Benazir Income Support Program, with all its faults, including a half-baked original vision, was regrettably utilized as a political tool rather than a pragmatic and even-handed welfare oriented project. Billions were spent on self-aggrandizement activities. Resources were spent lavishly on media to keep it from sniffing around. Foreign aid was squandered to attract voters towards the party in power. This is an example of high-profile bad governance in the previous five years.
It seems that the government was participating in a 100-yard race. It was only in the penultimate fortnight of its tenure that it made the final five yard dash at full speed to announce populist projects that would probably not see the light of the day if another party comes into power after May 11, 2013.
The Shaukat Aziz government plotted schemes enabling the banks to reap windfall profits and making the stock exchange go on a wild spree. It purposely allowed the bubble to expand and when the e.Coli hit the fan, the country went on a downward spiral that, sadly, continues till today. There was no fallback strategy designed by his government and the ensuing results proved disastrous.
The incoming government lacked a solid economic team and the performance of the economic managers during the last five years was mediocre, distressing, and seemingly lost at sea. Pakistan suffered seriously because of the lackadaisical environment prevailing in the corridors of the economic policy makers. The Monetary Policy of State Bank of Pakistan did not create any wonders and the Planning Commission wasted time, money, and expertise while its output was nothing to write home about.
The government had no pragmatic plan to tackle the energy shortages and relied on hollow promises. The Rental Power Project succumbed to outright dishonesty, chicanery and massive corruption. State-owned enterprises continue to hemorrhage scarce financial resources and are systematically being destroyed in more ways than one.
There is a sense of isolation that Pakistanis feel today. Globally, the nation’s image is at its lowest nadir due to various factors that could have been controlled but the government was unable to do it because it lacked the critical mass to catch the bull by its horns. The nation has immensely suffered from terrorism, extremism, and fanaticism.
On the home front, the Presidency was used a political tea-house with the President donning a political hat as well a constitutional cap. A continued battle raged between the Federal and the Punjab governments. The Sindh government was controlled by a non-elected nominee of the President who was considered the de facto Chief Minister. The Balochistan Chief Minister was more comfortable racing his Harley-Davidson in Islamabad rather than solving the myriad problems faced by the Balochis, especially the unrest and rebellion gathering steam in the Province. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the government was in a defensive position due to the threats of the domestic extremist groups. Even the Chairman of the ruling party in KPK avoided staying in the Province.
Scandals were galore. Personalities who had access to the powers that be had their best five years. Land scams, LPG scams, Rental Power Scams, NICL, OGRA, PIA, Pakistan Railways, Pakistan Steel, etc became synonymous with the words cronyism, nepotism and corruption. Parliamentarians and politicians evaded taxes, hid their dual nationality status, forged their educational certificates and degrees, misused perks and privileges, acted like buffoons on TV talk shows but kept on espousing the slogan created by some smart copywriter that “Democracy is the best revenge”.
Q.No.02: What big challenges do you think Pakistan has been facing in terms of good governance?
Elections are round the corner and there is this hope that maybe a new government would be in a vantage position to introduce change and maybe bring about relief and sanity within the country. However, considering the distressing situation prevailing in the country, it would be an onerous task for the new government to move at a faster pace to instill confidence in the people. I foresee a period of stagnation atleast until the end of 2013. The new government would take time to settle down and in all probability it would be another coalition government. The 18th Amendment has also brought about unforeseen issues that need to be addressed as this legislation has also impacted on good governance. Moreover, the new government would be highly strapped for cash, would be still facing colossal losses in State-owned enterprises, may not be comfortable with the Benazir Income Support Program, would have to decide whether to knock at the portals of International Finance Institutions and accepting the harsh conditionalities, restore the confidence of trade and industry, and work hard in restoring the positive image of Pakistan in the comity of nations.
The new government would have to set priorities that are doable and manageable and they should give less emphasis on announcing populist measures that usually backfire largely because they either do not achieve the purpose or they become hostage to corrupt elements. The government has to announce a fast track program to revitalize the SME sector through infusion of low credit and facilitation in marketing and procurement of their products. This should be on the high list of priorities since this would provide immediate employment opportunities.
The second very important sector that the new government should focus is low-cost housing. The government should refrain from inviting foreign firms to participate in this venture. It is proposed that domestic builders using locally-made inputs are invited to develop low-cost schemes to alleviate the chronic shortage of housing that is reaching the ten million mark. The government can provide free land and zero-rate all duties and taxes on inputs used in construction of these low-cost houses.
The new government’s main challenge would be to ruthlessly go after corruption and, in the process, use all measures and means to control party members from indulging in shameless corruption practices that was the hallmark of the previous government. A concerted effort to reduce corruption would send the right signals not only to domestic investors but also to foreign entities desiring to invest in Pakistan.
It would be a big challenge for the incoming government to refrain from excessive politicking atleast for three to four years and instead it should divert all energies towards improving the quality of life and thus earning plaudits from the people. Of course, a strong stand must be taken to ensure that coalition partners, if any, do not continuously demand their pound of flesh. That, in itself, is the biggest challenge.
Q.No.03: Your views on foreign reserves:
A country’s foreign exchange reserves position is also an indicator of its macro-economic status and sustainability. Usually the benchmark is that a country must have enough to pay its import bills for atleast two months. At the beginning of fiscal year 2011-12, Pakistan’s Forex reserves exceeded $ 18 billion while today it is only $ 12 billion. In July 2011, the government’s reserves were nearly $ 15 billion out of the $ 18 billion. Today the figure has shrunk to a little over $ 7 billion. Pakistan’s monthly import bill hovers around $ 4 billion while half-yearly exports during this financial year are a shade over $ 14 billion. Of course, exports have grown by 7% compared to last year. Taking the precarious Forex situation into consideration, it can be rightly stated that Pakistan is between a rock and a hard place. The alarming factor is that the incoming government would have to deal with the electricity issue and would have to prove that it will reduce load shedding. Thus the bill for furnace oil would escalate and that would also put pressure on the reserves. Another distressing factor is that the government has to shell out $ 1.3 billion between July and November 2013 to pay off IMF. Moreover, foreign exchange reserves of banks and private citizens have remained constant between $ 4 and 5 billion. One more moot point is whether the $ 7 billion figure contains any “deposits” parked by friendly countries such as China. One point that I dispute is that the Forex reserves of banks and private sector should never be included in the country’s total reserves and only official figures must be highlighted.
It is to some extent commendable that foreign remittances are exhibiting a positive growth. It is estimated that remittances may touch $ 16 billion by end June 2013. Notwithstanding this positive situation, it is to be noted that there is going to be a formidable shortfall in revenue collection inspite of reduction of over Rs 250 billion by FBR from its earlier estimates. Will the Caretaker government negotiate a new Standby Arrangement with IMF? That remains to be seen. Furthermore, the government is still playing hide and seek in settling the Circular Debt in the energy sector.
Q.No.04: How has the issue of inflation been tackled in Pakistan recently?
The State Bank of Pakistan resorted to a tight Monetary Policy to handle the inflation issue. This text-book approach made life miserable for private sector as it made bank financing an expensive alternative. The high discount rates coupled with the excessive bank spread proved to be disastrous for trade and industry and one outcome was the exceedingly burgeoning Non-Performing Loans. Furthermore, the downslide of the value of the
Rupee also impacted severely on the inflation rate. The government professes that it has brought down the inflation rate to about 10% but this is highly debatable. Pakistani is an import-based country and with the Rupee reaching the 100 mark against the Dollar, it is improbable that inflation has drastically reduced.
The government routinely increases the rates of electricity, gas and petrol. The cost of social services continues to rise. Imported raw material is paid in foreign exchange. Land prices keep escalating. Cement and other inputs in housing construction are getting expensive too. The State Bank of Pakistan as well as the Finance Ministry have relied on theories to tackle the inflation issue rather than taking concrete steps to mitigate the sufferings of the citizens. There is zero likelihood of the new government being in a position to bring down either core inflation or food inflation. If the oil prices in the global marketplace start rising again, well, the inflation rate may zoom up to about 20% and we may see a repeat of the half-hearted measures that SBP and Finance Ministry undertook in the past.
Q.No.05: How would you comment on good governance in Pakistan as compared to its neighbors?
Pakistan is not the only country accused of bad governance. Each neighboring country has its own dynamics. Each neighboring country has its own policies and mindset. Corruption is rife in nearly all these neighboring countries. Civil liberties are targeted while human rights laws are flouted by the state. Each neighboring country is facing economic, social, and political difficulties and each of them are endeavoring to address these issues. The setback for Pakistan is that her international image has been battered by inimical external and internal forces that do not want to see Pakistan moving towards economic prosperity. Pakistan is unfortunately suffering immensely because of this negative perception. Although the populace is peaceful, save for some misguided elements, the prime dilemma is that the successive governments in Pakistan have never sincerely formulated implementable policies to make life better for the 190 million denizens. This is the tragedy that Pakistanis face, and worse than this tragedy is the apathy of these 190 million to forcefully demand their rights, to agitate for their safety and security, and to express their aspirations and demands through judicious use of their right to vote and their right to speak. The Constitution guarantees them these rights. Sadly, they do not take advantage of what is enshrined in the Constitution. Thus, bad governance is their ill-fated lot. I take solace from Martin Luther King Jr who very rightly said: “Only in the darkness can you see the stars.” I hope my fellow Pakistanis heed this advice and move ahead
For those whose hearts beat with Pakistan, the preparations for elections under a caretaker set-up has given rise to hopes of a new spring for the 65 year old – which, in sympathetic terms, still ranks as an adolescent in the life of nations.
Granted it takes a good deal of optimism to see change coming any time soon. Presently, UN reports put Pakistan’s poverty levels at 49 percent and a human development index only slightly higher than the least developed African nations. With rampant corruption, that includes political appointees and funds paid off to win support, institutions have gone in decline. To top it all, a fierce Taliban resurgence threatens to bomb, kill and maim potential voters in upcoming polls.
It is a situation that worries the armed forces — whose India centric policies of “strategic depth” have now forced it to attempt to keep the ‘Good Taliban’ (Afghan fighters) separate from the `Bad’ Pakistani Taliban. Despite that, with ideologically charged militants blowing hot on both sides of the Pak-Afghan border, the Tehrik-i-Taliban has kept up suicide attacks against law enforcement targets, sectarian groups and individuals that conflict with their interests.
In Karachi, the TTP have added to the toxic mix of political parties – PPP, MQM and ANP – which even while in coalition furthered their party interests through militant wings and patronage of criminals – including the land mafias.
Just when it seemed that the situation could not get worse, the PPP government completed its five years – and it is now almost time to vote again.
The proverbial light at the end of the tunnel has come with the nomination of Justice Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim to head the Election Commission of Pakistan. As Chief Election Commissioner, he has made the right moves, including appointing a caretaker prime minister from Balochistan – Mir Hazar Khan Khoso and using his powers of persuasion to get Baloch nationalists to participate in upcoming elections.
Balochistan is ripe for representative government. Given that the nationalists boycotted 2008 elections, Islamabad had resumed governing the province through remote control. What better example than the fact that Balochistan’s dissolved parliament comprised of ministers, without any opposition. It led to a situation where even some members of the Balochistan parliament were implicated in crime, including `kidnappings for ransom.’
With the backslide set in motion during Musharraf, the last five years saw state agencies and nationalists locked in battle. The problem of “missing persons,” that peaked under the former general, remains Balochistan’s dark reality.
Taking advantage of jungle law, the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi ensconced itself in Mastung. Here they drew on the conflict between state militias and Baloch nationalists to kill hundreds of Shia Hazaras in horrific terrorist attacks.
Given the deterioration of law and order across Pakistan, good news became rarer than rainfall in the Tharparkar desert. That is starting to change, thanks to decisions taken by the Election Commission — and at times judgments by the Supreme Court of Pakistan.
Taking the bull by the horns, the caretakers governments have foremost assessed that Pakistan needs to step up security. Little surprise that without any Western pressure, Pakistan has begun to crack down on ideological militants that have for over a decade terrorized the nation and attempted to push it back into the medieval ages.
Earlier this year, the army made a paradigm shift in its `Green Book,’ when it deemphasized the “Indian threat,” to declare that the real threat lay “within” – from sub-conventional warfare waged by the Tehrik-i-Taliban and Afghan militants crossing its porous borders.
Indeed, with platoons of young soldiers wiped out by suicide attacks along the Pak-Afghan border, the army has come to realize that it has little choice than to defend the state from attack.
In Karachi, the deployment of Rangers and Frontier Corp against Taliban influx is beginning to yield results. Although Rangers are in the first line of fire – as seen in the toll on their lives – the army has had success in raids conducted across TTP strongholds of Mangophir, Sohrabgoth, Baldia and Orangi town.
In Balochistan, the Inspector General of the Frontier Corp has taken credit for the reduction in terrorist violence and horrific levels of crime seen in Quetta. Even while nationalists are not convinced about laying down their arms, some have shown an inclination to participate in upcoming polls.
Meanwhile as the Election Commission scrutinizes 17,000 plus nomination papers, cleared candidates are already in the field rallying for votes for the elections next month.
Today, elections have become Pakistan’s biggest hope for change. In this backdrop, the deployment of adequate security at sensitive polling stations is incumbent to yield a good turnout — and grant legitimacy to the elections.
With almost 50,000 people killed in terrorist attacks in Pakistan since September 11, 2001, the nation seeks relief from interminable wounds. For that, it foremost needs to stop the hemorrhage . Only then, can it begin to address long standing issues of governance — which when combined with jumpstarting the economy can take Pakistan down the road of a more representative democracy.
It is so much easier to blame others for our problems than to accept responsibility ourselves. What others are doing now or they did in the past (colonialism) should not account for the quality of life for Muslims today. What accounts is so much anger that is always diverted against the external enemies and leaves no room to analyse the internal causes of our social, economical, political, moral and intellectual decline today.
Our determination to decline modernity and a will to embrace values of Stone Age with the sheer assumption that this is the only way to eternal salvation is so overwhelming that we are in the state of total refusal to see how the rest of the civilised world has been developed with adopting the principles of modernity and innovation. We are continuously on the path of decline while the rest of world is climbing up fast on the ladder of prosperity, economic, social, political, technological and intellectual development. The vicious circle of self-imposed isolation, self pity and exile has poisoned our mindset to see the rest of world with the sentiments of enmity and disapproval. We have our own justifications for holding such thoughts about world; after all, we have been oppressed for centuries.
Our enmity with western, un-Islamic world has many explanations. We see west as a ‘threat to Islam’ but we do not have much to say about Muslims killing Muslims today. The war ‘within’ is leading to a genocide of other Muslim sects; killing people who are innocent, peaceful and are not a potential threat to the integrity of a nation or a so-called ‘Muslim brotherhood’.
If all of this is termed as ‘jihad’, a ‘holy war’, who is this war declared against? Is this holy war directed against poverty, social injustice, corruption, illiteracy, violation of human rights and all other social and moral evils? The answer is sadly no. Than who is the target of this holy war. Is it only the innocent people who are being killed as a result of this self-imposed sacred battle, people who are armless and peaceful? Ironically, the answer this time is yes.
By doing all this, what message are we posting to the rest of the world? There is a huge discrepancy when we claim Islam is a religion of peace, and contrary to that we are engaged to gain that peace through proclaiming a war. With the hijacking of US planes and attacking the World Trade Centre on September 11, 2001, the message of Islam as a religion of peace was also being hijacked by those hijackers. The resulting war is against civilisation, it is against human rights and a constant threat to humanity, no matter whatever name is given to that war.
It is true that the condition of world today clearly requires a jihad, a holy war, but that should be directed to eradicate social and moral evils. That should be directed to restore peace of the world and a fight against hunger, HIV-AIDS and extreme poverty. Islam has clearly asserted that the super degree of jihad is to fight with your own self, the evil inside you.
The notion to fight ‘the evil inside’ is a clear way to restore our dignity and peaceful profile in world. Greater levels of tolerance and respect to others are the only ways to regain that reputation. ‘You shall have your religion and I shall have mine’ should be the way of life.
Time has come to think and reflect upon the message we are giving to world. It is time to reconstruct our message and re-direct this holy war against social and moral evils within first and then to rest of the world. Taking pride in a glorious past is good thing but denial of today’s realities and unclear path to future will lead nowhere. Extremism in any form has no vision, and has no clear path and destination. It merely has darkness; darkness of the age of Abu Jehal. The way to come out of this vicious circle is to disregard the clash of civilisations and embrace the global civilisation of human dignity and human brotherhood.
It is never too late to rethink and re-adopt the genuine path to salvation.
The writer is the Provincial Manager at the Strengthening Participatory Organisation (SPO), Sindh and can be reached at shabnambalouch@yahoo.com
Pakistan's caretaker prime minister Mir Hazar Khan Khoso (Credit: onlinenews.com.pk)
ISLAMABAD, March 27: Despite being a nominee of the formerly ruling party, almost all the mainstream political parties, including those in the opposition camp, have welcomed the designation of Mir Hazar Khan Khoso as the country’s sixth caretaker prime minister.
However, most of the political leaders are of the view that the matter should not have gone to the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) and the decision should have been taken by the parliamentary committee comprising the government and opposition representatives.
All the five previous caretaker prime ministers had remained the target of criticism by major political parties for their past roles and association with a particular political party and this is for the first time that almost all of the parties are unanimously expressing confidence in the caretaker set-up.
The main opposition Pakistan Muslim League-N (PML-N), which had rejected Mr Khoso’s nomination by Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf and later opposed his appointment at the parliamentary committee level, has also accepted the ECP’s decision.
“We respect the election commission’s decision on the nomination of the caretaker prime minister,” said PML-N President Nawaz Sharif in a one-line statement issued by the party.
When contacted, PML-N’s Information Secretary Mushahidullah Khan said: “Everyone should accept the ECP’s decision with an open heart and we also accept it.”
Mr Khan said that even though the ECP did not chose the PML-N’s nominee, the party was happy that a legal and constitutional path had been followed for the appointment of the caretaker prime minister for the first time in the country’s political history.
He said that credit for the constitution amendment ensuring setting up of a neutral caretaker regime in the country for holding of elections in free, fair and transparent manner must be given to the PML-N.
The PML-N leader regretted that at a time when the ECP was discussing the nominees for the caretaker prime minister, the PPP’s information secretary Qamar Zaman Kaira had openly stated that his party would not accept the nomination of retired Justice Nasir Aslam Zahid at any cost.
On the other hand, he said, the PML-N had always stated that it would accept any decision of the ECP.
The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI), led by cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan, in its cautious reaction termed Mr Khoso’s appointment a “constitutional verdict”.
“This is a constitutional verdict and we accept it,” said PTI’s vice-chairman Makhdoom Shah Mehmood Qureshi, when contacted.
Mr Qureshi said the PTI expected that Mr Khoso would “strengthen” and “assist” the ECP to ensure elections in a transparent manners. The PTI, he said, also expected from Mr Khoso that he would remove the impression that he was a nominee of a particular political party.
Similarly, the Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) which had boycotted the previous polls along with the PTI, termed Mr Khoso’s appointment “a correct decision of the ECP.”
JI Spokesman Shahid Shamsi said that since all the opposition parties had complete confidence in the ECP, the party also respected its decisions. He, however, was of the view that it would have been better if the political leadership had made this decision.
When contacted, deputy convener of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) Dr Farooq Sattar said that his party was completely “satisfied” with Mr Khoso’s appointment that had come as a result of a constitutional process. The MQM leader said the ECP’s decision had also ended the uncertainty in the country and now the whole nation would enter the election phase.
Meanwhile, President Asif Ali Zardari also welcomed the nomination of Mr Khoso as the caretaker prime minister, terming it a “very significant and welcome development”.
President’s Spokesman Farhatullah Babar quoted Mr Zardari as saying that the nomination of Mr Khoso was a culmination of a part of the constitutional process to ensure free and fair elections and would be welcomed by all across the political divide.
The president said the forthcoming general elections under a caretaker neutral set-up selected under the constitutional process and an independent and empowered ECP duly empowered by the parliament for the first time in the country’s history was a very significant and welcome development that should help in banishing the spectre of “manipulated power transfer”.
The president also asked the people to exercise their right to vote and elect their representatives who best represented their hopes, aspirations and priorities.
Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf, who also telephoned Mr Khoso to congratulate him, expressed the confidence that the country would benefit from his knowledge, capabilities and experience as it moved towards general elections.
Mr Ashraf, who is also the secretary general of the PPP-Parliamentarians, hailed Mr Khoso’s appointment as “a commitment towards democratic process and upholding of rule of law and constitution of the country.”
Justice Khoso, who is scheduled to take oath of the office on Monday, is the second non-political figure to get the office of the caretaker prime minister. Earlier, a former vice-president of the World Bank Moin Qureshi had served as the caretaker prime minister from July 8, 1993 to October 19, 1993 after resignation of former prime minister Nawaz Sharif as a result of his tussle with the then president Ghulam Ishaq Khan.
The politicians who had served as the caretaker prime minister are Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi (1990); Mir Balkh Sher Mazari (1993); Malik Meraj Khalid (1996-97) and Muhammadmian Soomro (2008).
Islamabad Crowns Democracy Train’s Journey to Capitol (See Reports)
MULTAN, Pakistan, May 3 — Gunmen on Friday killed a Pakistani prosecutor who had been investigating the murder of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and the 2008 Mumbai attacks.
