Europe’s Muslims Feel Under Siege

A stereotyed Danish Muslim (Credit washingtonpost.com)COPENHAGEN, Nov 1 — On a continent where Muslim leaders are decrying a surge in discrimination and aggression, Alisiv Ceran is the terrorist who wasn’t.

The 21-year-old student at the University of Copenhagen recently hopped on a commuter train to this stately Scandinavian city, his bag bulging with a computer printer. Feeling jittery about a morning exam, he anxiously buried his nose in a textbook: “The United States After 9/11.”

A fellow passenger who reported him to police, however, saw only a bearded Muslim toting a mysterious bag and a how-to book on terror. Frantic Danish authorities launched a citywide manhunt after getting the tip. Ceran’s face — captured by closed-circuit cameras — was flashed across the Internet and national television, terrifying family and friends who feared he might be arrested or shot on sight.

“It was the first time I ever saw my father cry, he was so worried about me,” said Ceran, who called police when he saw himself in the news, then hid in a university bathroom until they arrived. “I think what happened to me shows that fear of Islam is growing here. Everybody thinks we’re all terrorists.”

Ceran’s ordeal is a sign of the times in Europe, where Muslims are facing what some community leaders are comparing to the atmosphere in the United States following the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001.

Then, fears were linked to al-Qaeda. Today, they are tied to the Islamic State — and, more specifically, to the hundreds of Muslim youths from Europe who have streamed into Syria and Iraq to fight. Though dozens of Americans are believed to have signed up, far more — at least 3,000 — are estimated to have come from Europe, according to the Soufan Group, a New York-based intelligence firm.

One French returnee staged a lethal attack in Belgium last year. After more alleged terror plots were recently disrupted in Norway and Britain, concern over the very real risk posed by homegrown militants is now building to a crescendo among European politicians, the media and the public.

“It’s a clash of civilizations,” said Marie Krarup, a prominent lawmaker from the Danish People’s Party, the nation’s third-largest political force. “Islam is violence. Moderate Muslims are not the problem, but even they can become extreme over time. In Islam, it is okay to beat your wife. It is okay to kill those who are not Muslims. This is the problem we have.”

Muslim leaders point to a string of high-profile incidents and a renewed push for laws restricting Islamic practices such as circumcision that suggest those fears are crossing the line into intolerance.

In Germany, a protest against Islamic fundamentalism in Cologne last Sunday turned violent when thousands of demonstrators yelling “foreigners out” clashed with police, leaving dozens injured.

Muslim leaders also cite a string of recent incidents in Germany, ranging from insults of veiled women on the streets to a Molotov cocktail thrown at a mosque in late August.

In Britain, Mayor Boris Johnson was recently quoted as saying “thousands” of Londoners are now under surveillance as possible terror suspects. In Paris last week, a woman in Islamic garb that obscured her face was unceremoniously ejected from a performance of La Traviata at the Opéra Bastille. Although France passed a ban on the wearing of full Muslim veils in public in 2010, the incident involved a rare enforcement of the law by private management who did not take the necessary legal step of calling police first.

Even moderate Muslims say they are increasingly coming under fire, particularly in the European media. A recent commentary in Germany’s Bild tabloid, for instance, condemned the “disproportionate crime rate among adolescents with Muslim backgrounds” as well as the faith’s “homicidal contempt for women and homosexuals.”

“This is the hour when critics of Islam are engaging in unchecked Muslim-bashing,” said Ali Kizilkaya, chairman of the Islamic Council of Germany.

The current mood, Muslim leaders say, is less a sudden shift than a worsening of a climate that had already been eroding for years.

After the horrific transit bombings that killed hundreds in Madrid and London in the mid-2000s, Muslims in Europe faced increased pressure and scrutiny. The Islamic community has been increasingly challenged for the inability — or unwillingness — of many Muslim immigrants and their children to assimilate into progressive European societies. In recent years, France and Belgium passed laws banning full Muslim veils. Switzerland barred the construction of new mosque minarets.

In Britain, negative sentiments spiked last May after the slaying of a British Army soldier in London by two homegrown radicals. After the killing, Asimah Sheikh, 36, a mother of two who helps out at her brother’s Islamic clothes shop in northwest London, said the tires were slashed on her car and “go back home” was written on the windshield. This year, she said, the rise of the Islamic State — a group known for beheadings, crucifixions and mass executions — has again worsened the climate.

“They call me ‘Batman’; they call me ‘jihadi.’ They ask, ‘What have you got hiding under that scarf?’ ” she said.

Few countries in the region have seen a fiercer debate over Islam than here in Denmark, which became the target of Muslim rage in 2006 after the publication of satirical caricatures depicting the prophet Muhammad in a Danish newspaper. More recently, nearly 100 mostly young Muslims have left Denmark to fight in Syria and Iraq.

Progressives have hailed a program in one city — Aarhus — that is trying to aid returning jihadis by finding them jobs and places in school. But nationwide, Muslim leaders and progressive Danish politicians say tensions are rising amid an increasingly toxic public debate over Islam itself.

Earlier this year, Denmark set new curbs on the Muslim tradition of halal slaughter, and national lawmakers are now debating a law that could set new limits on religious circumcision, a move that could impact Muslims and Jews alike. Some politicians are calling for a new ban on immigration from Muslim countries.

Some young Muslims like Ceran — an English and Mandarin major who works as a mentor for underprivileged youths and is the son of Turkish immigrants to Denmark — are beginning to contemplate whether it’s wise to stay.

“The stigma against Muslims is just getting worse, and I have considered moving across the border to Sweden,” he said. “I feel that here, they are saying that integration means forgetting your religious values. I don’t agree with that.”

Stephanie Kirchner in Berlin and Karla Adam in London contributed to this report

Prayer leaders booked to prevent sectarian clashes

Moharram measures (Credit: dawn.com)
Moharram measures
(Credit: dawn.com)

ISLAMABAD, Oct 24: Prayer leaders (Khateebs) of 73 worship places in the city were booked for violating the ban on the use of loudspeaker during the Friday prayers.

A police officer said the use of amplifier for any speech except Azan was banned in the capital city. After a bloody clash between two religious groups in Rawalpindi on Ashura last year, the capital police have decided to implement the ban strictly.

He said the clash outside a worship place located on the Ashura route in Raja Bazaar last year was caused by the misuse of the loudspeaker.

“Last Friday, police officials met the Khateebs of all mosques and imambargahs in the capital city and asked them not to violate the ban,” he said. The Khateebs were further directed that their voice should remain confined to the premises of the worship places.

“In this regard, undertakings were also taken from them with the warning that legal action would be taken against them if the ban was violated.”


Violations were detected by police officials during Friday prayers


The officer added: “Today, a vigilance was mounted around all the worship places – 584 msoques and 30 imambargahs – in the city with the deployment of policemen in plain clothes to listen to the sermons of the Khateebs.

During the surveillance, the police officials found violations of the ban in the 73 worship places.

He said the khateebs of worship places belonging to the Deoband, Ahle Hadis, Barelvi and Shia sects found involved in the violation of the ban were booked under the amplifier act.

Nine cases were registered by the Sabzi Mandi police, six by Industrial Area, five each by the Aabpara, Bhara Kahu, Golra, Loi Bher, Nilor, Shahzad Town and Tarnol police. Four cases each were lodged with the Koral and Banigala police, two with the Secretariat and one case with the Ramna police.

There was no complaint about the violation of the ban in any worship place located in the jurisdiction of the Kohsar police.

However, the officer said the police deliberately delayed the arrest of the Khateebs. In the first step, the cases were registered against the violators for their refusal to follow the law.

There are over 600 worship places in the city and majority of them followed the law and did not commit any violation.

The police officer said arrests would be made if the Khateebs again violated the ban. Besides, their amplifier system would also be confiscated.

Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Asmatullah Junejo directed all the subdivisional police officers and the SHOs to ensure the implementation of the ban to maintain sectarian harmony and peace in the city.

Published in Dawn, October 25th , 2014

Hazara Blood Spilled Again as LEJ Grows Unstoppable

Hazaras mourn bus attack (Credit: twitter.com)
Hazaras mourn bus attack
(Credit: twitter.com)

Pakistan has its share of Voldemorts – the dark lords who cannot be named – but none as powerful as this lot: the banned sectarian outfits and their leaders. They kill with impunity, and then move on with their business without the fear of ever being caught, or convicted.

They are brazen and flagrant, they cannot be stopped. And, egregiously, they cannot be named, at least not without risking one’s life.

Owen Bennett Jones, in his book Pakistan: Eye of the storm, narrates a bloodcurdling tale of a Bollywood style drama that unfolded in Lahore during the days Riaz Basra, founder of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, was still alive.

Contrary to popular belief that PML-N is sympathetic towards their cause, the Nawaz-led government was cracking down hard against sectarian outfits. The bounty on Basra’s head had been increased to make him the most wanted terrorist in the country, and the police were employing all energies to apprehend him.

Miffed at this, Basra decided to send a strong message.

He crept into one of the public meetings held by the Prime Minister, placed himself right behind Nawaz, allowing an accomplice to take pictures in the process; and then three days later sent the print of the same to the PM house, with his and Nawaz’s head encircled, and an inscription underneath reading,

It’s that easy.

It indeed is easy for them to wriggle into the most secure places. Easier still to go ahead and shoot anyone.

No surprises should then come when the common folks, such as the Hazaras, are murdered in dozens with the government failing to provide protection.

Take a look: Situationer: Hazaras: Fault in their faces

Convenience, as expediency in so many other matters, demands that we do not even identify this as a sectarian bloodshed. We shut our eyes, look elsewhere, ignore the elephant in the room and hope peace would somehow prevail.

Where we do indeed identify the killings as being sectarian in nature, we refuse to attribute direct blame; to name names and identify perpetrators. No political party has the guts to directly confront these outfits or to censure them for being completely out of sync with the religion they preach.

Why make enemies of such barbarians?

Hardened by this attitude, the outfits rage on with their sprees.

What had started off as the targeting of hitmen of organisations affiliating with other sects – back in the times when, as Jalib would put it, Zulmat (Darkness) insisted on being called Zia (Light) – slowly moved on to becoming a campaign against the notables. Doctors, lawyers, intellectuals and government servants were the targets in this phase.

Not satiated with the bloodshed and the rewards they had accumulated for the hereafter, these organisations took it a step further.

Thus began indiscriminate sectarian killings.

Pakistanis are killing Pakistanis; Muslims are murdering Muslims. Ubaidullah Aleem had written some 40 years ago:

Main yeh kis ke naam likhoon, Jo alam guzar rahay hain
Meray shehar jal rahay hain, Meray log mar rahay hain

(Whom should I blame for these afflictions; my cities are burning, my people are dying).

Koi aur to nahin hai pas-e-khanjar aazmai
Ham hi qatl ho rahay hain, Ham hi qatl ker rahay hain

(It is not an outsider behind the swashing dagger; we are the ones getting killed and we are the ones doing the killing).

The weapon of choice employed by these outfits to put their point across is violence. The fact that the government has been unable to keep its monopoly on the legitimate use of violence – as a punishment to prevent perpetuation of crime – renders it a failure.

The government too, however, despite the criticism heaped upon it, fails not because of lack of intent but because of failure of mechanism.

There were 40 plus cases registered against Malik Ishaq (the second of the three founders of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi), and of these, he has already been acquitted in about 30. The reason: the witnesses either did not turn up due to fear, went missing, or were killed.

No judge would punish a person if evidence is lacking, even if the perpetrator had owned up to killing at least a hundred Shias in an interview with an Urdu Newspaper in 1997.

Together with a lack of evidence is the predicament of having to contain the sympathy these criminals win with security agencies. The problem of reverse-indoctrination, where prisons instead of acting as the reformation centres end up becoming recruitment fields, further complicates the matter.

Until these issues are addressed head on, and the government is better empowered to deal with them, we are left with only two pitiable solutions:

Solution one: every time a tragedy of the sorts where Hazaras are sprayed with bullets occurs, we shake our heads, condemn the actions of ‘namaloom afraad‘ (unknown people/assailants), gain some mileage by politicising the matter and within days move on, waiting for another such incident to occur in the future.

Solution two: where lack of evidence would merit acquittal of the accused – the extrajudicial killing of criminals in police ‘encounters’.

As a lawyer committed to human rights, I am against both. The former for its passivity, the latter for fear of an innocent person being murdered.

We are trapped.

Extremists Make Inroads in Pakistan’s Diverse South

Mirpurkhas Sindh (Credit weatherforecast.com)MIRPURKHAS, July 15 — In a country roiled by violent strife, the southern province of Sindh, celebrated as the “land of Sufis,” has long prized its reputation as a Pakistani bastion of tolerance and diversity.

Glittering Sufi shrines dot the banks of the river Indus as it wends through the province. The faithful sing and dance at exuberant religious festivals. Hindu traders, members of a sizable minority, thrive in the major towns.

But as Islamist groups have expanded across Pakistan in tandem with the growing strength of the Taliban insurgency, so, too, are they making deep inroads into Sindh. Although banned by the state, such groups are systematically exploiting weaknesses in Pakistan’s education system and legal code as part of a campaign to persecute minorities and spread their radical brand of Sunni Islam.

The growth of the fundamentalist groups, many with links to armed factions, has been alarmingly rapid in Sindh and has brought violence in its wake, according to police officials, politicians and activists. In recent months, Hindu temples have been defaced, Shiite Muslims have been assaulted and Christians have been charged with blasphemy.

A central factor in the expansion of such groups is a network of religious seminaries, often with funding from opaque sources, that provides them with a toehold in poor communities. “If there were three seminaries in a city before, now there are tens of seminaries in just one neighborhood,” said Asad Chandio, news editor of the Sindhi-language newspaper Awami Awaz.

In May, a threatening crowd in Mirpurkhas, a small city in central Sindh, surrounded four members of the Jehovah’s Witnesses who had set up a stall near the railway station. The mob accused the four of blasphemy because they were selling books that contained images of God and Moses. The crowd’s leader was a member of Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat, a sectarian group that is ostensibly banned by the government, but that is now openly operating, and growing, across Sindh.

Fearing crowd violence, police officers led the four to a nearby police station where they were charged with blasphemy — potentially a capital offense. They were taken away in an armored vehicle, and are now in hiding as they await trial.

Locals said they were struggling to understand how, or why, the incident had taken place. “There are so many communities here, and we have all lived peacefully,” said Francis Khokhar, the lawyer for the four accused.

The Sunni supremacist ideology propagated by Pakistani sectarian groups is similar to the one that is proving so potent in the Middle East, where the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, is flourishing. In Pakistan, such groups do not pose a direct threat to the state yet. But their growth in Sindh is a sobering reminder that a future threat to Pakistani stability could stem from the provincial towns as much as the distant tribal belt, where the Pakistani military is trying to disrupt havens for the Taliban and other militants.

Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat, the group behind the blasphemy charges in Mirpurkhas, sprang from a small town in Punjab Province about 30 years ago, capitalizing on local sectarian and political divides. Once known as Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan, it has grown into Pakistan’s dominant vehicle for Sunni sectarianism, trafficking in hatred against Shiites to win popular and political support.

It has been banned several times — first, in its incarnation as Sipah-e-Sahaba, and in 2012 in its present guise. Still, that did not stop its leader, Maulana Muhammad Ahmed Ludhianvi, from running for Parliament last year. This year, an election tribunal disqualified the winner and gave the seat to Mr. Ludhianvi. The case is in litigation now.

The group also has longstanding ties to the ruthless militant group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, whose militants have killed hundreds of Shiites in Baluchistan and Karachi in the past two years. Malik Ishaq, the leader of Lashkar, is also a vice president of Ahle Sunnat.

Now Ahle Sunnat is on a recruitment drive in Sindh. While it was traditionally centered in Karachi and Khairpur district, about 200 miles to the north, it now has signed up 50,000 members across Sindh, about half of them outside Karachi, said a spokesman, Umar Muavia. A key to its success is an expanding network of 4,000 religious seminaries that offer free classes and food to students from impoverished families.

“We give them a religious education,” said Hammad Muavia, a spokesman for the group in the Khairpur district. “We feed and house them, and provide them a bursary that goes to their families. We even pay for their medical expenses. We take better care of the students than even their own parents.”

In part, Ahle Sunnat is exploiting the chronic weakness of Pakistan’s education system: Over 3,000 state-run schools in Sindh are not functioning, and those in operation frequently offer a dismal quality of schooling. Less clear are its sources of income. The group says it raises funds from local businessmen and the community, but critics say it is principally funded by Saudi Arabia.

“Yes, sometimes if there are clerics from Saudi Arabia visiting Pakistan, they contribute to us,” said Mr. Muavia, the Khairpur spokesman. “But there is no relationship with the Saudi government.”

The link between madrasas and militancy is often debated by experts; some point out that Pakistan’s most famous jihadi commanders have been educated not at madrasas but at state-run schools. What is clear, though, is that the madrasas offer groups like Ahle Sunnat a toehold from which to project themselves into the community and expose more Pakistanis to sermons that sometimes veer explicitly into incitement of violence against Shiites and other minorities.

The group is also using the contentious blasphemy law to cow its enemies. Mr. Chandio, the newspaper editor, said his newspaper received threats from Ahle Sunnat after he published photos of the group’s activists attacking a police van during a blasphemy case.

Mr. Muavia, the Ahle Sunnat spokesman in Khairpur, said he had filed several blasphemy cases, but, to his disappointment, the police had rejected them. “The Pakistani government is outraged when blasphemous acts against Prophet Muhammad take place abroad, but does nothing when they happen at home,” he complained.

Other Sunni groups are also expanding in Sindh. Jamaat-ud-Dawa, a charity that the United States recently designated as a front for the terrorist group Lashkar-e-Taiba, has a network of seminaries and carries out relief work during natural disasters. Its leader, Hafiz Saeed, regularly tours Karachi and other major cities in Sindh, evidently unbothered by a $10 million American bounty for his arrest.

Also expanding is Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, led by Maulana Fazlur Rehman, a conservative politician from northwestern Pakistan. The group held two of the largest political rallies in the province in recent years.

Since March, the police have recorded 12 attacks on Hindu and Sikh temples across the province, said Iqbal Mehmood, who until recently served as the provincial police chief. Separately, Hindu leaders have accused Muslim groups of trying to forcibly convert Hindu girls to Islam.

Across Pakistan, Shiites have been subjected to “an alarming and unprecedented escalation in sectarian violence,” Human Rights Watch recently noted in a report on attacks on ethnic Hazara Shiites in western Baluchistan Province, which adjoins Sindh.

Some officials say the groups have flourished in part thanks to the turning of a blind eye by provincial politicians — mostly from the Pakistan Peoples Party that has dominated Sindh’s politics for decades — and the tacit support of the military and its powerful spy agency, Inter-Services Intelligence.

During the 1990s, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi “enjoyed a close relationship” with the military and ISI because it was assisting with the fight in Indian-controlled Kashmir, said the recent Human Rights Watch report. For its part, the military denies that it is supporting militant groups.

“These groups don’t come up naturally; they are provided backing by the state,” said Mr. Chandio, the newspaper editor. “They can protest anywhere, and close down a city if they want. But when they hold rallies in support of the army and the ISI, they’ve proven who supports them.”

Saba Imtiaz reported from Mirpurkhas, and Declan Walsh from London.

North Waziristan Father of 36 Wants More Children

Gulzar Khan & children (Credit: hindustantimes.com)
Gulzar Khan & children
(Credit: hindustantimes.com)

BANNU: The ongoing military operation may be making headway in clearing militant hideouts, but it has shattered the dream of one father of 36 children — to take a fourth wife.

Gulzar Khan is one of hundreds of thousands of people who have fled the North Waziristan tribal area since the army moved in to clear longstanding bases of Taliban and other militants.

Escaping the military advance meant leaving the 35-room house he shares in the North Waziristan village of Shawa with around 100 family members, including wives, children and grandchildren.

The 54-year-old grumbled that paying to transport his brood used up the cash he had set aside for his fourth marriage.

“The money I had saved was consumed in relocating my family from Shawa to Bannu and now I have again started saving and waiting for the operation to conclude,” he told AFP.

After giving birth to a dozen children each, Khan said, his wives had told him enough was enough.

“I was planning to have a fourth marriage because now my wives have boycotted me and told me ‘no more children’,” Khan said.

“They do not allow me to go near them, but I have desires I want to fulfill.

Khan was 17 years old when he married his 14-year-old cousin in Shawa. They had eight daughters and four sons, but after eight years, Khan got married again, to a 17-year-old.

“I was not satisfied and needed more of it — I mean the love-making,” Khan told AFP at his 17-room house in the northwestern town of Bannu, where the bulk of people displaced by the military operation have taken refuge.

“I do not indulge in adultery and sinful acts so I satisfy my natural desires lawfully by marriage,” said Khan, who worked as a taxi driver in Dubai from 1976 to 1992.

Khan’s third wedding came when he married his brother’s widow when he was killed in a dispute just a month after tying the knot himself.

Two of his sons now work as drivers in Dubai and the money they send home helps support the extended family, along with income from Khan’s farmland in Bannu and Shawa.

“My sons send up to Rs50,000 every month from Dubai and we make ends meet with this money,” Khan added.

He said there were no disputes between his three wives, all living under the same roof, but he admitted he struggled to remember who was who’s mother.

“I can tell you that he or she is my child, but I cannot tell with all of them who is his or her mother,” Khan said.

As tribal custom forbids women from speaking to men outside their family, AFP’s reporter was unable to obtain the views of Khan’s wives on the matter.

Khan said he had no problem feeding and clothing his family, but with so many people around, there was little privacy.

“Often there are two to three kids lying around me when I go to sleep, so it’s difficult to have a private moment with my wives,” Khan said.

Asked if he used any drugs like Viagra to perform, Khan said that he never felt the need.

“I had a heart attack 12 years ago and also have an ulcer, and my doctor had advised me to stay happy,” Khan told AFP.

“I am happy only when I perform my conjugal rights.”

Pakistan’s 180 million-strong population is growing by more than two per cent a year, according to the United Nations Population Fund, which said in late 2012 that a third of Pakistanis have no access to birth control.

Some observers have warned that unless more is done to slow the growth, the country’s natural resources — particularly water — will not be enough to support the population.

But Khan’s 14-year-old son Ghufran has no such fears.

“God willing I will also have several marriages and produce even more kids than my father,” he told AFP.

Hindu Marriage Bill Demeans Status of Women

Personal laws that govern matters related to marriage, divorce, custody of children and inheritance have been an issue of great concern and debate in Pakistan. There have been demands for decades now for new legislation because personal laws did not exist for some religious minorities, whereas for others they were outdated and incompatible with standards of gender equality and justice.

The UN Committee of Independent Experts, which monitors the implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (Cedaw) reviewed the situation in Pakistan in March 2013. The Cedaw Committee specifically recommended that the impending legislation regarding the Hindu Marriage Act and the Christian Marriage Act should be adopted as early as possible. Pakistan’s National Commission on the Status of Women had prepared drafts on these laws after a consultative process involving legal experts from their respective communities in 2011.

Now that the bill concerning Hindu marriages – introduced by Dr Darshan Ramesh Lal – is being reviewed by the Standing Committee on Law, Justice and Human Rights of the National Assembly, it is important to ensure that it satisfies international standards of human rights. Although the bill primarily concerns one religious community yet it deserves broader consultation for technical and professional input due to its national importance and commitments under international human rights law.

The move is appreciable on the whole and the bill covers some important features like establishing a minimum age (18) for marriage, free consent for marriage and a ground for divorce and procedures for registration of marriage. However some parts of the bill need more attention to avoid criticism or complications that might come if the bill is passed in the present form.

For instance, Section 5, on conditions for marriage, bars marriage of a wife who “cannot conceive (a child) and medically declared to be so.” The proviso is objectionable, because one’s capacity to reproduce should not be a bar for contracting marriage. That would be a clear violation of the rights of individuals under Article 16 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states; “Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality, or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution.”

The use of the word ‘wife’ places the intention of law in jeopardy because it implies that husbands suffering from impotency can be allowed to marry or remarry while women will be married only if they are fit for procreation. The proviso not only undermines the fundamental concept of marriage as a marital union of entitled and freely consenting parties but also has misplaced emphasis on procreation as the primary purpose of marriage. The choice of the term ‘wife’ together with mention of the word ‘conceive’ also suggests that it can be grounds for ineligibility for second marriage of women only.

Parts 3 and 4 (vii) of the Shaadi Pattar or marriage certificate given in the bill have four options to record the marital status of the bride and the bridegroom – single, married, widow/ widower or divorced. Allowing a married person remarriage is likely to attract complications if the first marriage is yet to be dissolved, therefore permissibility of a ‘married’ person’s marriage would mean allowing bigamy or polygamy, which I believe is not the intention of the law.

Another questionable proviso is about making “mental illness and virulent disease” as one of the grounds of dissolution of marriage. This proviso is not only susceptible to abuse but also portrays the bond of marriage as merely a utilitarian union undermining the profound meaning of marriage in human, religious and social ethos. Terms with such a broad application are exactly the deadwood that new legislation should avoid.

It would be useful to look at laws on this subject in other countries as well. In an amendment bill on Hindu marriage in India that has been passed by Rajya Sabha and is under review in the Lok Sabha, a liberal procedure for divorce is being considered – but with condition of guarantees for the protection of children, women and dependents who could be affected by the divorce irreparably.

Second, even though there can be separate laws for protecting the rights of divorced women and custody of children, yet it would be advisable to use the bill under consideration to include basic protections on these matters.

Moreover, the Qanoon-e-Shihadat (1984) law is a part of the basic law and the Islamic provisos of this law might create complication for non-Muslim litigants. Therefore, the procedures for evidence should be religiously neutral as far as their application on marriage laws for minorities is concerned.

On the whole the Standing Committee needs to ensure that community specific legislation meets international standards of human rights and gender equality and provide a just solution to marital issues. In a context that is marred by discrimination and marginalisation on the basis of sex, religion and class, the new legislation must add to the protection of rights, especially for women and children.

Email: jacobpete@gmail.com

Swat’s Wood Sculpting Artists Keep Buddhist Tradition Alive

Wood carver in Swat (Credit: valleyswat.net)
Wood carver in Swat
(Credit: valleyswat.net)

MINGORA, June 23: Artists from Swat skilled in relief carving and sculpting wood have urged government and non-government organisations to support them in conserving the craft. Woodcarving was once widely practised in the region during the ancient Uddiyana Kingdom, purported to be located in the valley.

Woodcarving in Swat can be traced back to the early Buddhist period of Kushan rulers and glimpses of the Greco-Buddhist style are still visible in furniture, buildings and monuments across the valley.

The delicate strokes represent the area’s tradition, culture and heritage, while their intricate floral designs represent Swat’s history and its civilization.

The craft has been passed on from generation to generation and is still a source of livelihood for several families. Although the number of carvers has dwindled, the quality of their work has not suffered.

Keeping the chisels busy

Nasar Sheen, a renowned woodcarver from Swat said, “The artist inside me was woken by the great Gandharan art reflected in buildings and structures around me. I began carving in my childhood but with the idea of taking the ancient craft into the modern era,” said Sheen.

“In a way, woodcarving is an inherent part of our culture. We see it on furniture, doors, pillars and it has been with us for a long time.”

Sheen has not learnt the art from a teacher; several of his friends are artists who taught him. “In truth, my teacher is Ghandharan art which I am surrounded by,” says the carver. His works uphold themes of strong cultural values, women’s education, peace, human rights, culture and music.

Artists, archaeologists and cultural activists in Swat say this unique art needs the attention for its conservation and promotion. “Frequent exhibitions on a national and international level will not only promote the art but also will encourage artists to improve their work. Later generations will also be motivated to learn the craft, which will keep it alive,” added Sheen.

In the eyes of the world

Sir Aurel Stein, a British-Hungarian archaeologist who visited Swat in 1926 wrote a book on his time in the valley. In An Archaeological Tour in Upper Swat and Adjacent Hill Tracts, Stein says, “The other local craft of Upper Swat retains evidence of the ancient skill that is woodcarving.”

Commenting on the quality and beauty of the craft, Stein writes, “I was struck by the amount of woodcarving, old and new, to be seen in mosques and houses.

These traditions clearly left their mark in a variety of decorative motifs of purely Greco-Buddhist style, plentifully displayed in the woodcarving on the pillared loggias of mosques and on the doors of headmen’s houses.”

Indology professor Doris Meth Srinivasan in her article ‘The Tenacity of Tradition: Art From the Valley of Swat’ states, “On land nestled between peaks that thrust higher than 5,500 metres, a rich artisanal tradition has flourished that reflects cultural intermingling that has taken place there. Among the varied artistic traditions of the Islamic world, the art of the Vale of Swat is unique.”

Published in The Express Tribune, June 23rd, 2014.

Pakistani man protesting ‘honor killing’ admits strangling first wife

Mohd Iqbal (Credit: theguardian.com)
Mohd Iqbal
(Credit: theguardian.com)

Islamabad, May 29: A Pakistani man demanding justice after his pregnant wife was murdered outside Lahore’s high court this week admitted on Thursday to strangling his first wife, in an admission that is likely to focus even more attention on the prevalence of so-called “honour” killings in the country.

Muhummad Iqbal, the 45-year-old husband of Farzana Parveen, who was beaten to death by 20 male relatives on Tuesday, said he strangled his first wife in order to marry Parveen.

He avoided a prison sentence after his family used Islamic provisions of Pakistan‘s legal system to forgive him, precisely those he has insisted should not be available to his wife’s killers.

“I was in love with Farzana and killed my first wife because of this love,” he told Agence France-Presse.

Police confirmed that the killing had happened six years ago and that he was released after a “compromise” with his family.

Iqbal has also claimed that Parveen’s family killed another one of their daughters some years ago. Speaking to a researcher from the Aurat Foundation, a women’s rights organisation, he claimed that Parveen’s father, Muhammad Azeem, had poisoned the other woman after falling out with her husband-in-law.

The foundation has been unable to confirm Iqbal’s claim about a second killing.

The extraordinary twists to the affair came after Pakistan’s prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, ordered an urgent investigation into the killing of Parveen, a woman who had enraged her family after marrying without their consent.

In a statement he said the crime was “totally unacceptable and must be dealt with in accordance with the law promptly”.

He also ordered the chief minister of Punjab province, his younger brother Shahbaz Sharif, to take immediate action and launch an urgent investigation.

The deadly attack on Parveen, which reportedly lasted for around 15 minutes, began soon after she and Iqbal arrived at the court where she was due to testify against her father’s claim that she had been kidnapped and coerced into marriage.

Her father, who is the only one of the group to be have been arrested so far, told police that his daughter had been killed because he had dishonoured her family.

Iqbal has claimed that Parveen’s father only withdrew his support for their marriage after demanding more money than had initially been agreed at the start of a long engagement. Sharif’s intervention followed international uproar, including a lengthy and stinging condemnation from the UN high commissioner for human rights, Navi Pillay, who said Pakistan must take “urgent and strong measures to put an end to the continuous stream of so-called ‘honour killings’ and other forms of violence against women”.

She said: “The fact that she was killed on her way to court shows a serious failure by the state to provide security for someone who – given how common such killings are in Pakistan – was obviously at risk.”

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan said that the media had reported thatnearly 900 women had been killed in “honour” crimes in 2013 alone, but the actual figure is likely to be far higher.

Until Thursday there had been little comment on the case domestically, with newspapers and television stations focussing on other stories.

One journalist, an editor of an Urdu national paper who did not want to be named, said the country’s media reflected its audience.

“Although we have some educated people, most are still living in semi-tribal societies in far-flung rural areas,” he said. “In a country where people are being killed every day by miscreants and militants it is not so important when one woman is killed by one husband.”

Some members of the public in Lahore clearly share the media’s ambivalence.

Muhammad Yaqub, a student at a private university in the city, said he understood the loss of honour for the family but disliked the brutal way the woman had been killed.

“He did some right and some wrong,” he said.

Blasphemy Charge Attempts to Rein in Jang Group
Intelligence agencies go for the Kill

Veena Malik wedding (Credit: pakistanyan.com)
Veena Malik wedding
(Credit: pakistanyan.com)

Islamabad, May 18: Pakistan police today registered a criminal case against against Geo TV owner Mir Shakeel-ur Rehman and Jang media group for showing a programme that allegedly contained blasphemous content, an official said.

Geo channel on Wednesday staged a mock marriage ceremony of controversial actress Veena Malik as a religious song was played in the background.
District and sessions judge of Okara in Punjab province yesterday ordered that a case be registered against Geo media group owner Rehman, anchor Shaistan Lodhi, actress Veena, her husband Asad Khatak and others over the programme.

Police officer Rana Aziz said Veena, her husband Asad and programme hostess Lodhi were also named in the case registered with Margalla police station in the capital Islamabad.

“They have been charged under Section 295 A, 295 C and 298 A of Pakistan Penal Code, which deal with insulting the religion, and Section 7 of anti-terrorism act,” he said.

Veena has recently married and the channel was celebrating the event.

The song eulogizes the marriage of one of the daughters of the Prophet and various clerics and right wing groups said that the way it was played at the mock marriage had hurt religious sentiments of Muslims.

Rallies have been held in several cities and protestors demanded registration of case against them under blasphemy laws, which prescribe maximum death sentence.
Geo group has since suspended Lodhi’s programme.

Lodhi has apologised to her viewers for hurting their sentiments after the programme drew bitter reaction from them.

Geo today published an apology on its Urdu paper ‘Jang’.

The channel administration has already sacked the entire team of the popular morning show, ‘Utho Gago Pakistan’.

The group is already under the hammer for criticizing spy agency ISI after its leading anchor Hamid Mir was attacked by unknown gunmen in Karachi last month.

The Defense Ministry has formally asked Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority, which controls media, to ban Geo for vilifying the security institutions.

The media group is also facing criticism from former cricketing hero Imran Khan, which has alleged that it was funded by foreign government and works against national interests.

Courageous human rights lawyer Rashid Rehman Murdered

Rashid Rahman (Credit: tribune.com.pk)
Rashid Rahman
(Credit: tribune.com.pk)

Thursday, 8 May 2014

He knew the risks he was taking. He knew too, that many others had declined to take on the case.

But Rasheed Rehman believed that every defendant deserved a lawyer, even – or perhaps especially – someone facing perhaps the most serious allegation that can be levelled at you in Pakistan.

At around 8.30pm on Wednesday evening, Mr Rehman, a well-known advocate and a regional coordinator for the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), was shot dead by two gunmen who entered his office in the city of Multan, apparently posing as prospective clients. The attack came just weeks after he agreed to defend a college lecturer accused of blasphemy and had reportedly received death threats from other lawyers for doing so.

“He was a dedicated activist from the very beginning. All his life he was helping the downtrodden,” senior HRCP official Zaman Khan told The Independent. “He was fearless and never gave any time to the threats. He said he would live for the struggle and die for the struggle.”

Earlier this year, Mr Rehman, who was 53 and married, agreed to take on the case of Junaid Hafeez, a lecturer at Multan’s Bahauddin Zakariya University who had been accused of defaming the prophet Mohammed on social media last year. Reports said the accusations were levelled by hardline university students who had pushed for him to be charged.

1The HRCP said no one was wiling to take on Mr Hafeez’s defence until Mr Rehman stepped forward. After the first hearing inside a prison in March, when he was allegedly threatened, the HRCP issued a statement which said: “During the hearing the lawyers of the complainant told Rehman that he wouldn’t be present at the next hearing as he would not be alive.”

Pakistan’s blasphemy laws, introduced under British rule and then tightened during the years of military dictator Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, have become increasingly controversial and ever more deadly. Campaigners say that the laws, which carry the death penalty, are routinely used to settle personal scores and grudges that have nothing to do with Islam.

While no-one has ever been executed for blasphemy, many accused have been attacked and killed and lawyers and judges have been threatened. A recent report by a US government advisory panel said there were 14 people on death row in Pakistan and 19 others serving life sentences for insulting Islam.

Among those on death row is a 70-year-old British citizen, Muhammad Asghar, from Edinburgh, who was sentenced in January after being convicted of claiming he was a prophet. His lawyers and family said he has been suffering from mental health issues for several years.

2Efforts to reform the laws by Pakistan’s previous government were scrapped in the aftermath of the murder in January 2011 of Salmaan Taseer, the governor of Punjab province, where Multan is located, who had spoken about the misuse of the laws and the need to reform them. A second politician, the then-minorities minister, Shahbaz Bhatti, who also supported reforming the laws, was murdered two months later.

“This is only a symptom of a deeper malaise [in Pakistan],” said Asma Jahangir, a celebrated advocate who was among those who attended Mr Rehman’s funeral service in Multan. “It is becoming more and more difficult for people who have liberal views to stay alive in this country. And the state sits by like a spectator.”

Today, in an indication of such threats referred to by Ms Jahangir, it was reported that in Multan leaflets had been distributed which claimed Mr Rehman had met his “rightful end”.

“We warn all lawyers to be afraid of god and think twice before engaging in such acts,” the pamphlets said, according to the Reuters news agency.

As Mr Rehman was buried, lawyers in Multan protested over the killing of their colleague. “Every time someone without means approached him for help, he would take his case without considering how mighty the opponent could be,” said Mr Rehman’s junior colleague, Allah Daad. “He was also very fond of reading, but he spent most of his time helping the needy,”

3Mr Daad said that after the prosecuting lawyer involved in the blasphemy case had made the threatening comment, Mr Rehman informed the District Bar Association and sought protection from the local police. Yet he said that Mr Rehman received no response from officers. The police in Multan were unavailable for comment.

Mr Rehman was reportedly struck by five bullets. Two other people in his office at the time were badly wounded and taken to hospital.

The lawyer and activist had no children but he lived in an extended family. His nephew, 24-year-old Atir, and his niece, Hareem, who is 25, said he had been like a father to them. The family now has no source of income. Mr Rehman’s traumatised widow, Robina, has been sedated.

“He never used to tell us anything about the work he was doing but still we came to know about the kind of threats he received,” said Mr Rehman’s niece. “He was a man of devotion and spent his entire life working for the poor.”

She added: “I would ask him to do something for me using his contacts but he said he would always use his contacts for the poor.”