The end of an era in Kabul: Taliban attack on cherished restaurant shatters illusion of oasis

La Taverna in Kabul (Credit: businessweek.com)
La Taverna in Kabul
(Credit: businessweek.com)

Washington, Jan 19: On a recent Friday evening in Kabul, I gathered with friends at the Lebanese restaurant that had long been a convivial and secure oasis in a harsh and unpredictable country. The occasion was a farewell meal before I left for the States — a cherished ritual in my many visits to Afghanistan over the past decade.

As always, after an abundant assortment of mezze, we raised our discreet cups of “white tea” and promised to meet there next time. As always, the proprietor, Kamel Hamade, a dapper businessman from Beirut, refused to let us pay. “Give the money to help the animals instead,” he would insist.

Kamel was an animal lover, political gadfly and the genial host of La Taverna du Liban, a cozy bistro that catered to the foreign and local elite — Western aid workers, Middle Eastern entrepreneurs, Afghan ministry officials. There was a frisson of intrigue amid the hookah smoke and hushed chatter. We jokingly called it the “Rick’s Café” of Kabul.

There was also real danger lurking outside, we all knew. Taliban militants often targeted establishments where Westerners worked or met, and Kamel had beefed up security repeatedly against possible attacks. He was a gentleman, but also a survivor of civil war and a scrappy businessman who never shied from a fight. He kept a loaded gun in his room upstairs and a formidable mastiff named Jeff in a pen by the front door.

“I’ve got to get out of here,” he swore to me a dozen times in the past several years. “There’s too much tension, too much difficulty. I’m going to open a restaurant somewhere nice, like Geneva or New Zealand.”

But although he often travelled home to Beirut or abroad on business, Kamel never did abandon Kabul and La Taverna. He stayed on, even as foreign missions began closing in anticipation of Western troop withdrawals, political instability and growing violence. He stayed on even after other restaurants folded, reservations flagged due to diplomatic security alerts, and a business dispute led to a shootout at the restaurant and landed him briefly in an Afghan jail.

As long as La Taverna remained open — as long as Kamel was there in his favorite corner, smoking cigarettes and counting change and yelling at the waiters and surveying his domain and leaping up to greet old friends — I felt as if I still had a familiar sanctuary, a small zone of comfort in Kabul.

On Friday evening, that illusion was violently shattered. At 7 p.m., the busiest dinner hour of the week, a Taliban suicide bomber detonated himself outside the front gate, right next to Jeff’s pen, and two gunmen shot their way inside, raking the dining room with gunfire. By the time Afghan security forces stormed the premises and shot them, at least 21 people were dead, including Kamel and dinner guests from half a dozen countries. So was Jeff.

I was back in Washington by then, working at my desk, when a colleague called unexpectedly from Kabul, then a friend e-mailed. A loud blast had been heard. More messages and news bulletins followed, the focus narrower, the details still sketchy but horrific. It was La Taverna. There was shooting and commotion outside but no news, nothing, from inside.

I reached an Afghan friend whose brother was a cook. He had escaped over the back wall and had seen Kamel running into the dining room with his gun. My stomach knotted in dread. I imagined him plunging into a scene of chaos and screams and blood, defending his guests and his property to the death.

Within two hours, those fears were confirmed. My friend was dead, my convivial war-zone sanctuary a charnel house. I also knew this attack had changed everything for me, my friends and the entire international community in Kabul.

There had been other Taliban assaults in the capital over the years — against international hotels and agencies and military compounds. But this was more intimate, more savage, more personal. The Taliban crowed in an e-mail Friday about eliminating foreign “occupiers,” but all I could think about was Kamel fretting over his ailing orange cat, Boy, or trying to find Jeff a mate to make him less ferocious, or refusing to let his friends pay for a meal.

I also thought about the dozens of wonderful evenings over the past decade I had shared at La Taverna with friends and colleagues and fellow animal rescuers — a veterinarian from Maine, an aid supervisor from France, an engineer from Prague, a security contractor from Australia, a diplomat from Canada, a nurse from Nashville, a lawyer from Ireland, an anthropologist from Rome, and many Afghan friends and co-workers. Now, the Taliban had made sure we would never meet there again.

On Saturday, I found my e-mail inbox flooded with messages from these now-scattered friends, some wondering if I was safe, some recounting memories of Kamel’s attentiveness to us and his beloved four-legged companions.

One close friend in Kabul wrote what we were all thinking: “Is this a horrid, isolated incident, or does it have greater long-term consequences and ramifications?”

Of Kamel, she wrote, “he still remains perhaps the kindest, most gentle, and respected of men I have met in this city. He created a unique space for himself, for the restaurant, and for all of us — expat and Afghan alike. A culture, a sanctuary and a place of civility have been lost, and will not be replaced.”

TTP Owns Attack on Security Forces, says Ready for “Talks”

Bannu attack (Credit: dunyanews.tv)
Bannu attack
(Credit: dunyanews.tv)

PESHAWAR, Jan 19: A bombing, targeting a security forces convoy, killed 20 people and injured 30 others near Razmak gate in Cantt area of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s Bannu district on Sunday. The Pakistani Taliban claimed the attack.

An ISPR spokesman said that in the attack, 20 security personnel were killed and 30 were injured.

Speaking to CNN, Shahidullah Shahid, spokesman for the proscribed Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) claimed that the militant organisation was responsible for the attack and said that their attacks on security forces would continue.

On the other hand, intelligence sources say that a convoy, comprising military and civilian vehicles, was ready to move towards Miramshah in the North Waziristan tribal region from a ground near Razmak Gate in Cantt area of Bannu when the explosion occurred in one of the coaches.

The sources added that the explosives were planted in one of the vehicles hired from a private party.

Federal Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan condemning the incident has sought a report from the Inspector General of Frontier Corps with the details related to the hiring of the private vehicles for transportation.

Emergency and security forces reached the attack site and shifted the victims to a nearby hospital. Those killed in the attack included civilians and security forces personnel.

Moreover, security forces cordoned off the area as a probe into the incident went underway.

Within hours of the attack, the TTP spokesman said that the Taliban were ready for meaningful dialogue, however, the government should show its sincerity.

The northwestern town of Bannu, which stands at the gateway to the semi-autonomous Waziristan tribal region, is 150 kilometres southwest of Peshawar, the capital of KP.

The town has witnessed a number of attacks and was the scene of a massive jail break in April 2012 during which 384 prisoners escaped from its central prison.

Taliban kill Express media employees as a warning to journalists

KARACHI, Jan 18: Gunmen riding on motorcycles shot dead three Express News workers on Friday after ambushing a stationary DSNG van in a busy neighbourhood of Karachi.

This was the third and most lethal strike on Express Media Group and its staff in the space of five months. In two previous attacks, the main offices of Express Media Group, were targeted.

Friday’s ambush took the lives of a technician, security guard and a driver, all of whom were seated in the front of the van.

The Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) claimed responsibility for the latest attack in a live telephone call from Afghanistan to Express News anchor Javed Chaudhry.

“We accept responsibility. I would like to present some of its reasons: At present, Pakistani media is playing the role of (enemies and spread) venomous propaganda against Tehreek-e-Taliban. They have assumed the (role of) opposition. We had intimated the media earlier and warn it once again that (they must) side with us in this venomous propaganda,” TTP spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan told Express News.

“We have warned Express News a number of times. I have contacted Express News myself and conveyed to them our grievances,” he added.

Driver Khalid, technician Waqas and security guard Ashraf – died within moments of the incident.

“The three victims were shot multiple times from close range,” said the medico-legal officer at the hospital. “They died due to excessive bleeding,” he added.

Law enforcers found at least 17 shell casings from 9mm and 32-bore pistols at the crime scene. These were sent to the forensic division.

Investigators believe that a single group is behind all three attacks on Express Media Group.

“I am 100% certain this is a targeted attack,” said District West police chief Javed Odho. He said the terrorists who carried out the attack had been identified as Taliban.

“An investigation team has been constituted… the team will also collect the details of police officers who investigated the previous attacks on Express Media Group,” he said.

According to eyewitness accounts, the assailants were at least four in number.

“They were clad in shalwar kameez and approached the van on motorcycles,” one witness said. “After carrying out the attack, they fled in the direction of the Banaras locality,” he added.

Interestingly, a Rangers picket was set up at walking distance from the van. Some policemen were deployed near the scene of the crime as well, witnesses said.

“Still, the Rangers and police did not even think to rush towards the crime scene and rush the victims to the hospital,” a witness said.

All five cameras installed near the crime scene were also reportedly out of order.

Catalogue of terror

In the first attack on August 16, 2013, unidentified gunmen opened fire on the group’s office in Karachi, injuring one female staffer and a security guard. In the second attack, on December 2, 2013, at least four armed assailants opened fire and tossed homemade bombs at the same office, injuring a guard in the process.

Despite visiting the Express Media office in Karachi twice and constituting investigation teams to probe the two incidents, law enforcement agencies have been unable to arrest even a single perpetrator.

“The attacks [on Express Media Group] are acts of terrorism… It is not the job of the local police to deal with terrorism… responsibility for that rests with intelligence agencies and specialised units,” said District West police chief Javed Odho in response to a query by The Express Tribune.

“Despite all this, policemen are working against terrorism in Karachi,” he added.

Odho defended the police force against the charge of negligence, saying no policemen were available in the area at the time of the attack.

According to Express Media Group Coordinator Muhammad Ali, the DSNG was stationed at a routine spot. “We moved the van at around 7 in the evening to the location, as was our routine,” he said. “The staffers did not even get to eat… for them it was duty first,” he said.

The deceased Express staffers had been associated with the group for the past one-and-a-half year. As news of their killings spread, their families and relatives reached Abbasi Shaheed Hospital.

“We are poor people… We never wronged anyone,” lamented a relative of one of the deceased. “They were martyred in a cowardly act of terrorism,” he said.

Express News bureau chief Aslam Khan also condemned the attack.

“Until and unless the government and law enforcers conduct a full-fledged operation against terrorists, it will hard to stop such attacks,” he said. “One of the main reasons behind this third attack was that the law enforcers did not take the previous ones seriously.”

The inspector general of police in Sindh called for an immediate report on the attack. He also directed the Karachi police chief to look into claims of police ‘slackness and irresponsibility’ and take appropriate action — if reports were verified.

‘War of ideologies’

The TTP spokesman explained that “this is a war of ideologies and whosoever will oppose us in this war of ideologies, will play the role of enemy and we will also attack them.”

“They were killed because they were a part of the propaganda against us. I also want to tell them that they should not work at the media channels, whose names we have also mentioned. Secondly, we have sacrificed to achieve our goal,” he told Express News.

“We fight for the establishment of Islamic system in this country. To kill certain people is not our aim. We are fighting to achieve our goal. And the people who oppose us, we will fight with them. We have no personal feud with anyone,” he added.

According to Ehsanullah Ehsan, the media must “mend its behaviour” and do balanced reporting, which is impartial, which is transparent and not (tainted with propaganda) then “we will not attack anyone, neither we want to kill anyone”.

“I promise you that if Pakistani media comes out of this war and limits itself to its journalistic role, then we will not carry out any attack on them. We value journalists and I myself belong to the field of journalism. It is our desire (not) to kill any innocent person or any such person.

‘But the people who oppose us then we are compelled to do (this). I completely agree that if the media gives us proper coverage and (does not spread) what is venomous propaganda and the war of ideologies which harm our ideology, the ideology of the whole Pakistan and the ideology of Muslims, and desist from spreading nudity and obscenity then we have no war against anyone. We do not want to fight with people on a personal basis. We fight for war and we will not be strict on those who leave opposing Islam.”

The TTP spokesman said his group would “keep fighting all those who oppose Islam and Muslims, harm the ideology of Pakistan, (spread) obscenity and nudity and destroy the real face of Islam.” “And (this is) our mission and we will continue to sacrifice our lives for it.”

Published in The Express Tribune, January 18th, 2014.

Supreme Court probes assassination of human rights leader, Parveen Rahman

Parveen Rahman mourned (Credit: demotix.com)
Parveen Rahman mourned
(Credit: demotix.com)

ISLAMABAD, Jan 16: The Supreme Court of Pakistan has summoned the Sindh Inspector General Police (IGP) and Advocate General (AG) to appear before the court along with complete details on the progress in the murder case of Perween Rahman.

The bench, headed by Chief Justice Tassaduq Hussain Jillani and comprising Justice Ejaz Afzal and Justice Amir Hani Muslim, heard the petition on the unsolved murder of Orangi Pilot Project’s director who was gunned down in March. The judges sought a complete progress report of the case from the Sindh government.

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During the hearing, Chief Justice Jillani said that due to the lawlessness in Karachi, there was a complete sense of insecurity in the minds of the residents of the city. “Under the prevailing situation, the sense of insecurity is a natural phenomenon,” remarked the chief justice.

He issued directives to the Sindh IG and AG to appear before the court next week and apprise the bench about the progress made so far in the investigation of the murder case of one of the key figures of the development sector.

The bench, however, was told that currently there is no permanent AG in Sindh. In response, the court directed the Sindh prosecutor-general to represent the provincial government in absence of a permanent AG.

As many as 800 applications have been submitted in the apex court to pursue Rahman’s murder case, out of which most were submitted by people belonging to the development sector and civil society. The petitioners include human rights activist Zohra Yusuf, PILER along with its chairperson Karamat Ali, SAIBAAN along with its head Tasneem Siddiqui, development professionals Arif Hasan and Fayyaz Baqir, journalist Zubeida Mustafa, the Women’s Action Forum through its founder Kausar S Khan, colleagues from Perween Rahman’s Orangi Pilot Project through its director, Anwar Rashid, partner organisations through Jahangir Khan of Rawalpindi, architect and Perween’s student Sobia Kapadia, and Perween’s family through her sister Aquila Ismail. The Sindh and federal governments and the provincial police have been cited as respondents in the case.

The civil society representatives have asked that an independent judicial commission led by a senior judge be formed to investigate the murder of the well-loved architect.

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Earlier, the petitioner’s counsel had told the court that Rahman’s murderers were still at large and were allegedly being sheltered by a political party.

Fayyaz Faqir, director of the Akhter Hameed Khan Resource Centre, told The Express Tribune that the petition aims to draw attention to the justice denied to a person who dedicated three decades of her life to redress grievances of the poor in the face of land grabbers.

On March 13, unidentified men opened fire on Rahman who received several bullet wounds and later succumbed to her injuries. Rehman was reportedly working on compiling land records of villages or goths on the outskirts of Karachi which were vanishing into the city’s vastness and were being eyed over the past 15 years by land grabbers. Rahman had also documented land in Orangi Town to protect the informal settlement from land grabbers.

Rahman was recognised in global urban planning circles as a professional who had used her skills in the service of Karachi’s poor. In recognition of that, the department of Architecture and Planning at NED University of Engineering and Technology, Karachi, has plans to offer the Perween Rahman Course on Housing and Community to its third-year students from March this year. Also noteworthy is the Perween Rahman Fellowship for Community Architects. The Asian Coalition for Housing Rights, based in Bangkok, Thailand, in a meeting of its board, approved a fellowship programme for Community Architects in Asia to be called the ‘Perween Rahman Fellowship for Community Architects.’ A total of 10 fellowships will be offered each year to architects working in the low-income settlements of Asia.

Published in The Express Tribune, January 17th, 2014.

Civil Society comes to the Rescue of Endangered Wildlife

Wildlife hunting in Pakistan (Credit: pakguns.com)
Wildlife hunting in Pakistan
(Credit: pakguns.com)

In a writ petition filed by Mr Naeem Sadiq, through Sardar Kalim Ilyas Advocate Supreme Court, against hunting of internationally protected bird HOUBARA BUSTARD and challenging the 33 Special Permits issued by Government of Pakistan to Arab Shaikhs, LHC issued Notices to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Wildlife Department and Government of Punjab. LHC directed  Foreign Affairs Ministry to submit complete list of all the foreigners (Arab Shaikhs and their family members) to whom Special Permits were issued for hunting Houbara bustards for the season 2013-14.

LHC also directed WWF & IUCN to appear & assist the Court in this matter in its next hearing on 23-01-2013.  Kalim Ilyas ASC argued that the Pakistan Wildlife Ordinance 1971 prohibits hunting of Hubara Bustards.  According to IUCN Report, Pakistan is one of the sixteen countries of the world that are breeding places for Houbara bustards.  According to the law,  it is only the Provincial government that can issue any licence and the federal government or the foreign ministry have no authority to issue such  permits or licenses.

It was said that after 18th amendment,  wildlife was made a provincial subject and only the provincial law would apply.  Punjab wildlife Act as amended in 2007, also completely prohibits hunting of  HOUBARA BUSTARDS.  Hence, all licenses and permits are issued in blatant violation of law. The petition prayed for cancellation of all permits with strict directions to the government to implement its own laws in letter and spirit.

It is worth mentioning that Advocate Sardar Kalim Ilyas is pursuing this case on pro bono basis.

Power Vacuum in Middle East Lifts Militants

Al Qaeda in Iraq (Credit: thegatewaypundit.com)
Al Qaeda in Iraq
(Credit: thegatewaypundit.com)

BEIRUT, Lebanon — The images of recent days have an eerie familiarity, as if the horrors of the past decade were being played back: masked gunmen recapturing the Iraqi cities of Falluja and Ramadi, where so many American soldiers died fighting them. Car bombs exploding amid the elegance of downtown Beirut. The charnel house of Syria’s worsening civil war.

But for all its echoes, the bloodshed that has engulfed Iraq, Lebanon and Syria in the past two weeks exposes something new and destabilizing: the emergence of a post-American Middle East in which no broker has the power, or the will, to contain the region’s sectarian hatreds.

Amid this vacuum, fanatical Islamists have flourished in both Iraq and Syria under the banner of Al Qaeda, as the two countries’ conflicts amplify each other and foster ever-deeper radicalism. Behind much of it is the bitter rivalry of two great oil powers, Iran and Saudi Arabia, whose rulers — claiming to represent Shiite and Sunni Islam, respectively — cynically deploy a sectarian agenda that makes almost any sort of accommodation a heresy.

“I think we are witnessing a turning point, and it could be one of the worst in all our history,” said Elias Khoury, a Lebanese novelist and critic who lived through his own country’s 15-year civil war. “The West is not there, and we are in the hands of two regional powers, the Saudis and Iranians, each of which is fanatical in its own way. I don’t see how they can reach any entente, any rational solution.”

The drumbeat of violence in recent weeks threatens to bring back the worst of the Iraqi civil war that the United States touched off with an invasion and then spent billions of dollars and thousands of soldiers’ lives to overcome.

With the possible withdrawal of American forces in Afghanistan looming later this year, many fear that an insurgency will unravel that country, too, leaving another American nation-building effort in ashes.

The Obama administration defends its record of engagement in the region, pointing to its efforts to resolve the Iranian nuclear crisis and the Palestinian dispute, but acknowledges that there are limits. “It’s not in America’s interests to have troops in the middle of every conflict in the Middle East, or to be permanently involved in open-ended wars in the Middle East,” Benjamin J. Rhodes, a White House deputy national security adviser, said in an email on Saturday.

For the first time since the American troop withdrawal of 2011, fighters from a Qaeda affiliate have recaptured Iraqi territory. In the past few days they have seized parts of the two biggest cities in Anbar Province, where the government, which the fighters revile as a tool of Shiite Iran, struggles to maintain a semblance of authority.

Lebanon has seen two deadly car bombs, including one that killed a senior political figure and American ally.

In Syria, the tempo of violence has increased, with hundreds of civilians killed by bombs dropped indiscriminately on houses and markets.

Linking all this mayhem is an increasingly naked appeal to the atavistic loyalties of clan and sect. Foreign powers’ imposing agendas on the region, and the police-state tactics of Arab despots, had never allowed communities to work out their long-simmering enmities. But these divides, largely benign during times of peace, have grown steadily more toxic since the Iranian revolution of 1979. The events of recent years have accelerated the trend, as foreign invasions and the recent round of Arab uprisings left the state weak, borders blurred, and people resorting to older loyalties for safety.

Arab leaders are moving more aggressively to fill the vacuum left by the United States and other Western powers as they line up by sect and perceived interest. The Saudi government’s pledge last week of $3 billion to the Lebanese Army is a strikingly bold bid to reassert influence in a country where Iran has long played a dominant proxy role through Hezbollah, the Shiite movement it finances and arms.

That Saudi pledge came just after the assassination of Mohamad B. Chatah, a prominent political figure allied with the Saudis, in a downtown car bombing that is widely believed to have been the work of the Syrian government or its Iranian or Lebanese allies, who are all fighting on the same side in the civil war.

Iran and Saudi Arabia have increased their efforts to arm and recruit fighters in the civil war in Syria, which top officials in both countries portray as an existential struggle. Sunni Muslims from Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Saudi Arabia and elsewhere have joined the rebels, many fighting alongside affiliates of Al Qaeda. And Shiites from Bahrain, Lebanon, Yemen and even Africa are fighting with pro-government militias, fearing that a defeat for Bashar al-Assad, Syria’s president, would endanger their Shiite brethren everywhere.

“Everyone fighting in Syria is fighting for his own purpose, not only to protect Bashar al-Assad and his regime,” said an Iraqi Shiite fighter who gave his name as Abu Karrar. He spoke near the Shiite shrine of Sayida Zeinab near Damascus, where hundreds of Shiite fighters from around the region, including trained Hezbollah commandos, have streamed to defend a symbol of their faith.

Some Shiite fighters are trained in Iran or Lebanon before being sent to Syria, and many receive salaries and free room and board, paid for by donations from Shiite communities outside of Syria, Abu Karrar said.

Although the Saudi government waged a bitter struggle with Al Qaeda on its own soil a decade ago, the kingdom now supports Islamist rebels in Syria who often fight alongside Qaeda groups like the Nusra Front. The Saudis say they have little choice: having lobbied unsuccessfully for a decisive American intervention in Syria, they believe they must now back whoever can help them defeat Mr. Assad’s forces and his Iranian allies.

For all the attention paid to Syria over the past three years, Iraq’s slow disintegration also offers a vivid glimpse of the region’s bloody sectarian dynamic. In March 2012, Anthony Blinken, who is now President Obama’s deputy national security adviser, gave a speech echoing the White House’s rosy view of Iraq’s prospects after the withdrawal of American forces.

Iraq, Mr. Blinken said, was “less violent, more democratic and more prosperous” than “at any time in recent history.”

But the Iraqi prime minister, Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, was already pursuing an aggressive campaign against Sunni political figures that infuriated Iraq’s Sunni minority. Those sectarian policies and the absence of American ground and air forces gave Al Qaeda in Iraq, a local Sunni insurgency that had become a spent force, a golden opportunity to rebuild its reputation as a champion of the Sunnis both in Iraq and in neighboring Syria. Violence in Iraq grew steadily over the following year.

Rebranding itself as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, the group seized territory in rebel-held parts of Syria, where it now aspires to erase the border between the two countries and carve out a haven for its transnational, jihadist project. Sending 30 to 40 suicide bombers a month to Iraq from Syria, it has mounted a campaign of violence that led to the deaths of more than 8,000 Iraqis in 2013, according to the United Nations, the highest level of violence there since 2008.

In recent days, after ISIS fighters rode into the cities of Falluja and Ramadi, they fought gun battles with Sunni tribal fighters backed by the Iraqi government, illustrating that the battle lines in the Middle East are about far more than just sect. Yet the tribal fighters see the government as the lesser of two evils, and their loyalty is likely to be temporary and conditional.

As the United States rushed weapons to Mr. Maliki’s government late last year to help him fight off the jihadis, some analysts said American officials had not pushed the Iraqi prime minister hard enough to be more inclusive. “Maliki has done everything he could to deepen the sectarian divide over the past year and a half, and he still enjoys unconditional American support,” said Peter Harling, a senior analyst at the International Crisis Group. “The pretext is always the same: They don’t want to rock the boat. How is this not rocking the boat?”

The worsening violence in Iraq and Syria has spread into Lebanon, where a local Qaeda affiliate conducted a suicide bombing of the Iranian Embassy in Beirut in November, in an attack meant as revenge for Iran’s support of Mr. Assad.

More bombings followed, including one in a Hezbollah stronghold on Thursday, one day after the authorities announced the arrest of a senior Saudi-born Qaeda leader.

“All these countries are suffering the consequences of a state that’s no longer sovereign,” said Paul Salem, vice president of the Middle East Institute in Washington. “On the sectarian question, much depends on the Saudi-Iranian rivalry. Will these two powers accommodate each other or continue to wage proxy war?”

For the fighters on the ground, that question comes far too late. Amjad al-Ahmed, a Shiite fighter with a pro-government militia, said by phone from the Syrian city of Homs, “There is no such thing as coexistence between us and the Sunnis because they are killing my people here and in Lebanon.”

Ben Hubbard reported from Beirut, Robert F. Worth from Washington, and Michael R. Gordon from Jerusalem. Peter Baker contributed reporting from Washington.

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: January 5, 2014

An earlier version of this article misstated the year in which, according to the United Nations, more than 8,000 Iraqis died in a campaign of violence by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, a Sunni insurgency that had been known as Al Qaeda in Iraq, which sent more than 30 to 40 suicide bombers a month to Iraq from Syria. It was 2013, not this year

Sectarian Killings Loom on the Horizon

WHEN it comes to law and order, crime and insecurity, and the state’s diffident response to serious threats, the story has become a depressingly familiar one: lamentation and more lamentation; inaction and more inaction. The killing of an Islamabad leader of the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat, Munir Muawia, in the federal capital on Friday ought to be alarming, but it is already destined to become yet another bloody footnote in the once-again simmering sectarian wars and the state’s inability to control them.

It is not even surprising anymore that a drive-by shooting can occur in Islamabad and the assassins simply melt away — it ought not to be the case, but helplessness seems to be the only reaction of the heavily financed and resourced capital police. And if the heart of Islamabad cannot be made safe by security officials, then what hope for Peshawar, Quetta or Karachi?

Next, a familiar question. What is the government’s strategy to handle the rising sectarian pressures? Ignorance of the problem is surely not a possibility. Punjab has long been the heartland of sectarian tensions and while the infrastructure of hate has spread far and wide across the country, Punjab, under the control of the PML-N, remains very much a hub of the problem. This is not even about immediately rolling out long-term solutions: that will necessarily require the input and full cooperation of many arms of the state, provincial and federal.

But the warning lights on sectarianism are again blinking furiously and urgent steps are needed. Fire-fighting after the problem erupts, as happened in Rawalpindi over Ashura, is only a recipe for awaiting the next big conflagration. The sectarian killers and militants are in most cases known to the intelligence apparatus. While there is sometimes random violence, much of the violence is orchestrated by small cadres at the fringe of the main sects. The religious leaders who can influence events are well known too. Why, then, the inaction by the state? There are few reassuring answers.

Salmaan Taseer’s death orphaned his party

Paying tribute to Taseer (Credit: tribune.com.pk)
Paying tribute to Taseer
(Credit: tribune.com.pk)

 “Salmaan Taseer was a brave man who never shied away from raising his voice for the voiceless, the marginalised, the poor, and for women and minority rights. His martyrdom shook us all but it also made us realise that a brave man never dies…his legacy lives on,” Journalist Mehmal Sarfaraz said at a candle vigil to mark the third death anniversary of Salmaan Taseer, former Punjab governor, at the Liberty roundabout on Saturday.

Salmaan Taseer’s daughter, Sanam Taseer said her father’s public life and private life had been the same. He was a man of compassion and candour. “As long as Article 33 remains law and Aasia Bibi continues to languish in prison, his sacrifice has been in vain,” she said.

More than 150 participants at the vigil demanded the removal of blasphemy laws and Aasia Bibi’s release from prison. They opposed the government’s plans to hold talks with the Taliban. They chanted “Taseer, your blood will bring forth a revolution” and “religious extremism and fundamentalism are not acceptable”. They held banners emblazoned with slogans like Down with Fanaticism; Down with Extremism; Shame on the Silent Majority; and Repeal Blasphemy Laws.

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Awami Workers Party general secretary Farooq Tariq said, “We are here to condemn religious fundamentalism and declare that Mumtaz Qadri, who poses as a hero, is a villain. Taseer’s only crime was to support a Christian woman falsely accused of blasphemy.”

SAP-PK deputy director Irfan Mufti said, “We are here to mark a day for anti-terrorism and anti-extremism in remembrance of Salmaan Taseer who lost his life to build a tolerant society.”

Ali Salman Alvi, a columnist for The Nation, paying tribute to the late governor, said, “Taseer was an ambassador of tolerance. He stood for the rights of minorities and the downtrodden. He had the courage to denounce the extremist mindset that has destroyed the fabric of our society. He sacrificed his life for humanity and will be sorely missed in our society which is increasingly becoming intolerant.”

Columnist Marvi Sirmed said, “I am here for Aasia Bibi. Taseer knew the danger he was in for supporting her, but he did not back out for a minute. We have seen several incidents of intolerance since, yet no one has been arrested.”

Sirmed said no FIRs had been registered against the culprits responsible for the incident at Joseph Colony and in the Rimsha Masih case…Rimsha’s family had to leave the country instead.

Journalist Sirmed Manzoor said, “We are small in number and the extremist narrative is everywhere, but I am sure we can encourage more people to take a stand against extremism.”

Syed Ahsan Abbas Rizvi of the Peoples Youth Organisation (PYO) said, “Pakistan Peoples Party has been orphaned since Taseer died on January 4, 2011.”

Taseer was shot dead by his guard Malik Mumtaz Qadri. Qadri had shot him 27 times with an MP5 sub machine gun. He had been convicted of murder and sentenced to death. Later the Islamabad High Court admitted Qadri’s appeal against the conviction.

In support of Qadri

As many as 250 students from several madrassahs in the city held a rally in support of Mumtaz Qadri on Saturday. The rally was organised by the Mumtaz Qadri Lovers’ Forum. The participants walked from the Punjab Assembly to the Press Club holding banners and chanting slogans in favour of Mumtaz Qadri. Maulana Asharaf Jalali addressing the rally said politicians like Dr Tahirul Qadri, who had called Mumtaz Qadri a murderer, were villains.

The participants demanded that the government pardon Mumtaz Qadri and release him. “Mumtaz Qadri is our hero and we will sacrifice our lives if we have to in order to get him released,” said speakers.

Published in The Express Tribune, January 5th, 2014.

Despair at Guantánamo

Guantanamo prisoner (Credit: eoline.com)
Guantanamo prisoner
(Credit: eoline.com)

In April, when a hunger strike by detainees at the prison in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, was in its third month, Pentagon officials agreed with defense lawyers that the underlying cause was a growing despair among prisoners who have been in detention for a decade with no hope of getting out. The protest, which at its height involved 106 of the 166 prisoners there this summer, served to put the Guantánamo issue back on the radar in Washington.

The National Defense Authorization Act for 2014, signed on Thursday by President Obama, includes a long-sought provision easing the Pentagon’s ability to transfer to countries other than the United States detainees rated as low threats. Mr. Obama, who has wavered on his early vows to shut down the prison, praised Congress for this change, though he stressed that the prison remained a blight on the nation’s reputation.

The improved transfer policy helps, but a petty policy change at the prison this month shows how perverse the situation has become. The military says it will no longer report the number of prisoners on hunger strike, according to a report in the Miami Herald. A spokesman for the facility said the military “will not further their protests by reporting the numbers to the public.” The numbers of detainees being force-fed by prison authorities, which dropped into the teens in recent months, offered the world a window into the prison, which has been shrouded in secrecy even though its motto is “safe, humane, legal, transparent detention.”

Eighty-six of the remaining prisoners — more than half — were designated three years ago for transfer to another country, provided that security concerns could be satisfied. Yet the transfer plan was left adrift in the face of political combat. Even if the new defense bill spurs progress in reducing the detainee population, the delivery of credible justice for those at the Guantánamo prison camp is far from complete.

Pakistan’s truck art masters fret over NATO withdrawal

Art on NATO trucks (Credit: Pakistan.com.pk)
Art on NATO trucks
(Credit: Pakistan.com.pk)

Karachi,  Dec 31:  Pakistan’s truck artists, who transform ugly lorries into flamboyant moving works of art, fear boom times for their trade could be at an end as NATO winds down its mission in Afghanistan.

The workhorses of the Pakistani haulage industry are often ageing, patched-up Bedford and Dodge models, but almost without exception they are lavishly decorated.

Elaborate colourful designs, calligraphy, portraits of heroes and singers, mirrors and jingling tassels are skilfully worked onto the trucks by artists such as Haider Ali.

In his open-air workshop in the heart of Karachi, a goat or two browsing the dusty ground, Ali sketches out a design for a boat.

Others include horses, partridges, tigers, the faces of former prime minister Benazir Bhutto or singer Attaullah Khan Esakhelvi.

“The design depends on the owner of the truck. Everyone wants his truck to be different from everyone else’s,” Ali, who left school to follow his father Mohammad into the truck art business, told AFP.

Truck art has become one of Pakistan’s most distinctive cultural exports in recent years, but it is still not highly regarded at home.

“The higher echelons of society don’t call it art but craft — or anything else, just not art,” said Ali.

Call it what you will, decorating trucks is big business — haulage firms and lorry owners shell out $5,000, even $10,000 a time to have their vehicles adorned.

It can take a team of half a dozen artists nearly six weeks to decorate a truck, not just painting but working up intricate arabesque collages of laminated stickers.

Jamal Elias, a truck art expert from Penn State university in the United States, said it represents the largest art sector of the Pakistani economy.

“You can’t say the gallery world or textile design begins to compare in size,” he told AFP.

But in Pakistan, he said, the artists “are never going to be treated as real artists as long as the social structure remains the way it is”.

For the past decade, hauliers in Pakistan have been making money by ferrying supplies for the NATO mission in neighbouring, landlocked Afghanistan from the port of Karachi.

Profits from this work have meant they have been happy to spend on decorating their vehicles, but with NATO withdrawing from Afghanistan by the end of 2014, the artists fear the good times could be over.

“There was a great deal of demand because of NATO trucking, and everyone was trying to get the work, but the decline has already started,” said Ali.

Noor Hussain, 76, who has been painting trucks in the garrison city of Rawalpindi, next to Islamabad, for 65 years, shares his fears.

“We’re afraid that because of the decrease in trucks circulating, people will lose their jobs in our business,” he told AFP.

“Because if there are fewer lorries in circulation, we will have fewer to decorate.”

Mumtaz Ahmed, another Karachi artist, said business surged under the rule of former army dictator Pervez Musharraf, who gave Pakistan’s support to the US-led invasion of Afghanistan after the 9/11 attacks.

A foretaste of what might happen came in late 2011 and 2012, when the Pakistan government shut NATO’s supply routes through its territory for several months in protest at a botched US air raid that killed 24 soldiers at a border post.

“We felt a real slowdown when there was the ban on NATO supplies,” said Ahmed.

“Things are just getting better now. NATO has meant a good boom for us.”

But in a country with a stagnant economy and galloping inflation, why bother spending so much just to decorate a lorry?

“It shows our pride, our love for our job and also that our trucks are in good condition and attractive,” said Mir Hussain, who was about to spend a small fortune repairing and redecorating a truck.

The more a lorry grabs the attention with its beauty, the better its owner thinks it will attract clients, though most contracts are granted without regard to looks.

Perhaps the real reason behind the slightly shaky logic is the simple love of man for his machine.

“His wife may be dying of hunger at home in the village, but the driver will still go ahead and have his truck decorated,” said mechanic Sajid Mahmood.